Clinton St. Quarterly Vol. 12 No. 1 Spring 1990

Weget behind theheadlines. PORTLAND/ WILLAMETTE VALLEY/SALEM................. 91.5 FM 550 AM It’s awholenewera innews, politics, sports and the arts, sojoinus for MorningEdition, weekdays, 5to9 am. We’ll openyour eyes! OPB R A D I O 2

VITALITY CHUTZPAH»|VISION! CLINTON ST. has been an exciting voice in the Pacific Northwest since 1979. In our first 11 years we’ve accomplished a lot. Won dozens of awards. Introduced new writers and artists who’ve gone on to major careers. Taken on the vital issues of our place and time. Our stories have been reprinted by prestigious national magazines and presses. Two^ things have remained constant...our sense of humor, and our price—free! NO MORE. We’ve entered the ’90s. A decade promising unprecedented change and challenge. We’ll continue to offer laughter at human foibles wherever they be found. But free is clearly a thing of the past. For years, we’ve lacked a budget for in-depth reporting. And watched key stories go unreported by the mainstream press. WE’VE CREATED The FIRST Fund—The Foundation for Investigative Reporting and Social Technology—to make Clinton St. a powerful voice for people who care about our place and planet. We plan to turn over the stones. Go where others fear to tread. YOU HOLD a truly powerful issue, full of controversial, stimulating material: 2 seriously funny features, a suite of stories analyzing the media—how it works and is used—an urgent description of the drug running activities of the U.S. government, a visit with one of our region’s premiere artists, and much more. Most is original, even unprecedented. We pour our energies into making Clinton St. a powerful force for change in our time. Your support is critical to help us achieve and sustain true vitality. THERE ARE SEVERAL WAYS you can get involved. Tell your friends about this issue. Buy a few to share. A.subscription is only $12 for 6 issues, $20 for 12. WE’RE OFFERING THE SUBSCRIPTION PREMIUM OF THE CENTURY. All subscriptions received between May 20 and July 3, 1990 qualify for a 4th of July celebrity lottery of works of original, or limited edition, art. Images by such major figures as FayJones, JimBlashfield, C.T. Chew, John Callahan, the Pander Bros., Tom Cramer and Stephen Leflar. In a gallery, these works sell for $100s. Your donation of $100 or more is tax-deductible and qualifies for a lifetime subscription and a shot at the drawing. DON’T DELAY. Support creative, vital publishing. Subscribe today. Muchas gracias. NAME ADDRESS GIFT ADDRESS CITY STATE ZIP CITY STATE ZIP MCWISA NUMBER EXPIRATION DATE AMT.ENCLOSED A subscription is only $12.for 6 issues, $20 for 12. CLINTON ST. PO Box 3588 Portland, OR 97208 USA (503) 222-6039 MERCHANTS To order or restock sales copies, please call us at (503)222-6039. We ship immediately via U.P.S. or deliver, in multiples of 25 only. Your cost is $1 per copy and the retail price is $2. We’ll pay shipping, or deliver them directly to your door. If our answering machine is on, please leave your order, name and company name, address (with zip) and a phone number. Accounts are C.O.D. or net 30 if prior arrangements are made. SINGLE COPIES io order this issue or any issue published after 1980, send us $3.00. We’ll ship it to you or your designated party postpaid or remit your money. Feel free to request issues by story or author/artist. Mail orders only. For international orders, send $4/issue. Please inquire for rates for issues from 1979 & 1980. Clinton St., PO Box 3588, Portland, OR 97208, USA (503) 222-6039 Clinton St.—Spring 1990 3

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n St The Low Self-Esteem Cafe— John Callahan 18 Scenes from the forgotten front. A Rhapsody in Plush. Torture—Julie 30 Sub Larson a, TRACED US ALL THE " A Y BACK TO LOMEL SANDERS-' MW ito r/Pub lisher David Milholland Associate Editors Jim Blashfield, Peggy Lindquist, Walt Curtis, Paul Loeb, Lenny Dee Board of Advisors Alana Probst, Ken Margolis, Stan Amy, Theresa Marquez Contributing Artists John Callahan, Benjamin Canas, Walt Curtis, Wague Baba Diakite, Gregory Grenon, Roberto Huezo, Julie Larson, Fernando Llort, Miguel Orellana, Terri Porter, M att Wuerker Contributing Photographer Terri A. Mimms Proofreader Wa/f Curtis Business Manager Rhonda Kennedy Typesetting Harrison Typesetting, Inc., 4M, Linda Shirley, Qualitype Camerawork/Cover Separations Toucan Scan Distribution Coyote Distributing, 4M, DNAD, John Bennett, Tom Heidlebaugh Thanks Robert Anderson, Linda Ballantine, Steve Bloch, C.T. Chew, DNA, Foothill Broiler, Bill Foster, Martha Gies, Barry Hertz, Bob Jenlker, Craig Karp, John Laursen, Deborah Levin, Marjie Lundell, Mimi Maduro, Lola Maria, Zak Margolis, Melissa Marsland, Enrico Martignoni, Fiona Martin, Alice & Del Milholland, Kevin Mulligan, The Multnomah County Library, Larry Needham, John Platt, Mary Reinard, Norman Solomon, Missy Stewart, Joe & Charlotte Uris, John Wanberg, Lou & Rosa Weinstock, The Clinton 500 and many more who gave generously of their time. The Charter Group Avalon Antiques, Jim Blashfield, Bill Bowling, Breitenbush Community, B.J. Bullard & Pau! Loeb, Cascadian Farm, Escential Oils, Gazelle, Hawthorne Auto Clinic, Harrison Typesetting, Inc., Hood River Brewing, Hunan, Julia’s, KBOO, KCMU-FM, KOPB-Radio, Key Largo, La Paloma, Music Millenium, Nature’s fresh Northwest, Organically Grown Coop, Park Avenue Records, The Pastaworks, Rejuvenation House Parts, Springfield Creamery, Lynn & Paulette Wittwer, Zenith Supply. I Ran Drugs for Bush and Company—Neal Matthews Cocaine flights into U.S. , Force Bases? Dirty deals all I way to the top! Air the Media Hits—Timothy Ryan 32 “We have suspects. But we have no motive.”An exciting patchwork that reveals why U.S. citizens are too often the last to know 13 How low can you go? Lower. Much lower. The first piece of a book-in-the-works. Dancing Through the Glass—Keith Jellum Short takes. Stifling heat. Mindless haste. Red Guards. Open-air justice. Apartheid? First clear these plates. 22 we Wingy, true stories fr< Spi Sal Nobel Peace Prize Address—The Dalai Lama 43 A message of peace and hope “for all sentient beings.” M Marcos got ’em; their widows Three Poems—Maia Penfold 17 “messages from a zone of war” from the author of “Porpers” (FA/ WI’88) Play It Again, Uncle Sam— Martin A. Lee & Norman Solomon 28 “Erect a mountain of lies.” Some dare call it diplomacy. I t Artist Gregory Grenon slaps it right on the lens—through a glass brightly. Ouagadougou—Donald Sellers strike back. Why were involved? down...Ge Cover image: Denise. Denise. Gregory Grenon is featured in a story on page 22. M mPEOPLE PMEK ’MP p / ^ t r CMEEPILIGTHE GLOCE, SEAYCOOLMm T 71CTORY! Our enem ies’ empires lie in shambles! Mikhail Gorbachev is reeling every direction he turns. Manuel Noriega u / was last seen in our deepest, darkest prison cell. Oh, will he ever return? The Ortega Bunch has been brought to its knees. * Bring on the millenium. It’s celebration time. Buy a few junk bonds. Better yet, stock up on Savings and Loans. They’re U.S. government guaran teed . Before the euphoria takes us to that higher ground, let’s get a reality check. We hardly need Pravda to tell us that our neverending peacetime expansion is tattered around the edges. * Take drugs—always a seamy business. Senator John Kerry (D- Massachusetts) chaired a sub-committee examining the drug crisis, and issued a report implicating, among others, Manuel Noriega, most elected officials of the Bahamas, and those nefarious Contras, all deeply involved with the Medellin Cartel. So far unsurprising. What’s staggering are hints about how deeply our own government—our CIA, armed services and even the Drug Enforcement Administration—has been involved. True, plausible denial is their trademark. They’ll never admit a thing. In fact, they’ve been running drugs to finance undercover operations since Laos in the late-’60s, and got heavily involved again in the early- ’80s, ostensibly to keep the Con tras in guns and butter. Remember the televised Iran-Contra hearings, when Sen. Inouye closed off testimony, even entire sessions. They weren’t talking about their hairdressers. In our lead story, you’ll read contract pilot Tosh Plumlee’s account of drug running for the U.S.A. He names names. “We’re spending billions for a drug war that could have been stopped in 1982,” he claims, “and George Bush knew.” Did he or didn’t he? Only Manuel Noriega, who not too long ago claimed he had our Big Chief “by the balls,” and those members of the Contra clan, the Medellin Cartel and the U.S. intelligence community who traded arms for both cocaine and the use of Cartel-controlled airfields throughout Central America know for sure. CIA contract agent Richard Brenneke has just been acquitted of claims that he lied about the 1980 “October Surprise,” a deal made in Paris between a Reagan-Bush team and the Ayatollah’s men for the release of the U.S. hostages, which did happen just as Reagan assumed office. We’ve learned subsequently that the U.S. traded arms with Iran throughout the decade, despite firm denials for years by the Reaganauts. Meanwhile dozens of Reagan operatives, most recently Oliver North, John Poindexter and Samuel Pierce, have been indicted and/or convicted of raiding the public purse, lying to Congress, and leaving us holding a nearly empty bag. Oh yes, let’s not - - jj $ sen a to r a n ( ] representatives who let their campaign financing greed pave the way to the virtually limitless ban bailout. * 0 ASo where does that leave us? Is politics inevitably corrupt? One thing is certain. The vast sums of money available to ndercover “intelligence” operations have created a hydra-headed monster, linked to drug and weapon mafias worldwide. The TH E SOLUTION S IN E Q U A N 0 N flo w o f drugs into our nation will never be curbed unless we control our own cowboys. Stanfield Turner, CIA director under TO KEEP THE DOCILE FOLK OF E PLURIBU5 UNUM. ASLEEP IN FRONT OF THEIR I V 5 ,M > OFF THE STREETS. Clinton St. is published by CSQ—a project of Out of the Ashes Press. P.O. Box 3588, Portland, OR 97208— 503 222-6039. Subscriptions are $12/year (6 issues). Unless otherwise noted, all contents copyright ©1990 Clinton St. Jimmy Carter, began unveiling the labyrinth he inherited from Geo. Bush, head of the CIA under Gerald Ford. The hostage manipulation ended that process. The people dying in droves on our nation’s streets, our own hard-won freedoms, are ultimately victims of the corruption unveiled in this issue, corruption reaching up to the highest echelons of power. To make real change on this and other critical issues, don’t look to traditional sources, who too often serve as flacks for those in power. We must bring pressure from both inside and outside, as increasing numbers are doing in China and Tibet; Romania and Lithuania; South Korea and the Philippines. Look to the Christie Institute and CISPES; Earth First!, NCAP, and the NRDC; the Oregon Peace Institute and Sane—there are scores more. Support the alternative press and radio. Work to elect officials standing against the tide of insider politics. Most of all, look to yourself. Working with others you can make a difference! DM Clinton St.—Spring 1990 5

I Ran Drugs For B Secret Moves of the Contra War By Neal Matthews Illustrations by Matt Wuerker he DC-3 airplane, heavily guarded by uniformed Panamanian soldiers, sat on the far side of the jungle clearing at Penonome, 60 miles southwest of Panama City. Its cargo doors were wide open and chocked tight against the fuselage. The right engine idled slow and rough; the left engine was shut down for the loading operation. Soldiers “Go! Go!" yelled Perry, as he strapped himself into the radio operator’s seat. He slipped on the earphones and fine- tuned the radio to their assigned low-frequency band. Their radio signal would notify ground stations that the plane wasmn its way out and there was trouble. Wayne peered at the far end of the runway. Tosh was hypnotized by the sight of the wall of trees rushing toward them. The controls were still mush. Tosh guarded the in two Jeeps outfitted with .50-caliber machine guns guarded the plane fore . r , , . . . . ° the^ bird slowly crept past 60. Wayne easedToack on the and aft. One gunner trained his weapon on the loading crew; the other yoke’. “ It's going to be tight," he said calmly. cal was pointed at the cockpit and the unarmed American f l ig h t^ e w . ' 1 Jee Thte nose llftin£ when Tosh n6Vced one of the The pilot, Wayne Howard, stuck his head and left arm out the cockpit window and waved a small white flag. The soldier in the Jeep waved back and gave a thumbs-up. A line of cargo handlers hurriedly stacked white plastic sacks on pallets; others inside the plane slid the heavy pallets forward and secured them for the 680-mile flight to Costa Rica. It was early March, 1983, about 30 minutes to sunrise. Tosh Plumlee, the co-pilot, was about to begin his third cocaine flight in 12 days from Panama to the secret American airfield in Santa Elena, on the west coast of Costa Rica, just south of the Nicaraguan border. Tosh, a member of an all-civilian Black Crew (Black meaning top secret) of American military-intelligence operatives, had made several trips into Santa Elena in the past four years. Tosh was beginning to wonder why the Black Crew was suddenly in the dope business. After all, he was flying under authority of U.S. military intelligence, which answered to the National Security Agency, which, by extension, answered to the White House. NSC T H E fNTEKPWit The base was a major transshipment point for weapons being tunneled by the U.S. to El Salvador and later to the anti- Sandinista Nicaraguan Contra rebels. Tosh Plumlee (his real name) and Wayne Howard (a CIA-supplied identity) had worked together on these weapon runs, which originated in many parts of the U.S., including the Marine base at Twentynine Palms in the Southern California desert. They had even made secret flights into Nicaragua itself to drop weapons to Contra guerrilla units. But their last three hops between Panama and Santa Elena were drug runs, and Tosh was beginning to wonder why the Black Crew was suddenly in the dope business. After all, he reminded himself, he was flying under authority of U.S. military intelligence, which answered to the National Security Agency, which, by extension, answered to the White House. The flight this morning had been set in motion a few months earlier by the CIA station chief in Costa Rica and bore the Pentagon code name Royal Tiger. (“Royal” was the CIA designation for extremely sensitive espionage techniques or missions; fewer than 100 top-level military and intelligence chiefs had knowledge of these operations.) Royal Tiger was an airlift delivering military hardware to various Central American jungle airstrips, but this particular flight was different from the others. Tosh and Wayne were in the process of stealing 1200 kilos of high-grade Colombian cocaine from the Ochoa branch of the Medellin Cartel, which was operating through Panama with the aid of Panamanian strongman Manuel Noriega. The American plane had landed 30 minutes before the Cartel’s drug-running plane was due; ties between the Cartel and the CIA's local operatives were so close that this kind of precise information was commonly available to the Black Crews. This same intelligence indicated that the Panamanian soldiers would expect the plane’s pilot to signal his identity by waving a white flag in his left hand. And although everything looked fine to the soldiers now, in reality Tosh and the other crewmen were trying to trick one faction of the drug Cartel into assuming another faction had ripped it off and perhaps cause internal dissension and feuding among the cocaine barons. Tosh felt uneasy sitting in the cockpit of the old, modified DC-3, but not because of the machine guns, which were routine. Rather, it was the sickening knowledge that if something went wrong, the operation would be revealed as a drug run gone sour, flown by an American crew and sanctioned by the U.S. government, which had played both ends against the middle and lost. From the right-hand co-pilot’s seat, Tosh watched the edge of the jungle clearing for any sign of a surprise attack from one of the rival drug factions that operated from this remote strip. Suddenly, a flock of birds sprang up from the trees and winged quickly away from the dirt road that cut through the thick jungle undergrowth. A car, a black sedan, sped down the rough road, churning a rooster tail of orange dust. The birds circled and returned to their perches as the car raced up the clearing toward the runway and the parked DC-3. One of the Panamanian soldiers stood up to watch the oncoming car. Wayne too had noticed it. He dropped the white flag and shouted back to the American crewmen in the cargo hold, "Button this bird up, and let’s get the hell out of here. Fast!” Tosh reached up and hit the start button and cranked the left engine. It belched twice, blowing thick blue smoke over the confused soldiers and their Jeeps. The cargo kickers, Dan and Perry, shoved the last pallet and two Colombian loaders out of the hold. A few bags of cocaine broke and spread their contents on the ground, the powder disappearing in the prop wash. The kickers secured the double-wide cargo doors, and the plane was rolling by the time the black sedan came to a sliding, broadside stop. Three men in civilian clothes jumped from the car and began firing bursts from their AK-47s. The rounds went wide and left of the lumbering bird. The plane was turning into the wind when the first of the tracer bullets from the ,50-cals buzzed past the cockpit window. Wayne glanced at Tosh and grinned. He lined up the plane’s wheels in the ruts of the d irt strip, and Tosh flipped the tail-wheel lock into position. Together they pushed forward on the throttles, and the engines began to scream. This is going to be close, Tosh thought. The slugs sliced deep into the side of the airplane, and everything went crazy. Bullets, ripping metal, and electrical sparks popped and arced around the cabin. The radio rack exploded, and fire engulfed the panel. gunner yank back a lever on the .50-cal and watched, in slow motion, the hot tracers inch their way toward the nose of the bird. He glanced toward the trees and was certain they weren’t going to make it. The slugs sliced deep into the side of the airplane, and everything went crazy. Bullets, ripping metal, and electrical sparks popped and arced around the cabin. The radio rack exploded, and fire engulfed the panel. Perry grabbed a fire extinguisher and emptied it on the burning wires. Three large holes were torn in the fuselage behind Tosh, and a bullet was embedded in the aluminum frame of Eddie’s seat. Tosh was amazed to look out and see the plane clear the trees by ten feet. He tapped on the fuel gauges, but the needles didn’t move, a good sign that the bullets hadn’t pierced the fuel tanks. They flew in silence for a while, then trimmed up, set power, and headed for Costa Rica. Three hours later, the Americans landed at Santa Elena and were met by two DEA (Drug Enforcement Administration) agents. Wayne and Tosh were de-briefed while another crew unloaded the cocaine. Nearby, a U.S. Air Force cargo plane was emptied of its shipment of weapons, and the drug cache was put aboard that aircraft. The Air Force plane then took off for Homestead Air Force Base south of Miami. A ground crew later would strip and cannibalize the shot-to- hell DC-3, a venerable bird that Black Crews had flown on hundreds of secret missions since the 1950s. Its remains would be carried out to Sea on a barge late at 6 Clinton St.—Spring 1990

ush and Company night and ditched. This operation was officially closed, and the four crewmen went their separate ways back home to the States. Fifty-two-year-old Robert “Tosh” Plumlee, who has lived in the San Diego area off and on since 1976, has decided to come forward with details of his work as a pilot in Central America - during the time the U.S. government was secretly arming the Nicaraguan Contras. From 1979 to 1986, between his assignments— ferrying cargo and people into the jungles of Honduras, Costa Rica, Nicaragua and Panama, sometimes returning to the U.S. with shipments of cocaine and marijuana— Plumlee had a bluecollarjob in San Diego as a plumber for the Ehrling Rohde Plumbing Company in La Jolla. Owner Mike Glancy made a deal with Plumlee when he hired him in 1985: " ‘As long as you finish the job you’re on, you can come and go.’ He’d be gone for two weeks, a month at a time, then be back here for two, three months before he was gone again. Sometimes, all of a sudden he wouldn’t show up, and the next day I’d get a call from Costa Rica. It’s Bob, saying, ‘Hey, Mike, I gotta be down here for a few days....’ ” Plumlee sometimes talked about his other life with a couple of the guys around the plumbing office. “And I thought at first he was a bullshitter, until stuff came out in the papers just like he said,” remarks co-worker Norm Isbell. When the existence of Santa Elena broke publicly in 1987, it was big news, since military aid to the Contras had been illegal at the time the airfield was most heavily used. “Tosh had been talking about Santa Elena for years before that,” Isbell reports. But as the gun-running mutated into drug- running, ostensibly for the purpose of collecting “ intelligence” on the drug cartels, Plumlee became increasingly disenchanted. "It really bothered his conscience," Isbell recalls. “When he found out what was really going on, it started to get to him. That’s why he stopped.” Today Plumlee is living in Cardiff, California, and trying to put his past behind him; he’s starting a business that prepares pilots for FAA licensing examinations. But the official subterfuge he saw in Central America and the way it changed his perceptions of the U.S. government continues to dog his conscience. “ I believed in the Contra war at first," he explains. “And before that, I believed in what we were doing in El Salvador. We wanted to get that fucker Castro out of Central America, and we had to do it covertly, and we didn’t need some congressman’s nose up our ass while we did it. But along about 1982, the drug running and the Contra war eventually became a business. I ended up running drugs on behalf of the U.S. federal government. Period.” Plumlee says he made drug deliveries all over the American Southwest. And like that Air Force cargo plane he saw leaving Santa Elena, he says he delivered cocaine on four different occasions to Homestead Air Force Base. (At least one other pilot, Michael Toliver, has testified in federal court that he flew drugs into Homestead as part of the Contra resupply effort. Toliver is now in prison in North Carolina on an unrelated marijuana-smuggling conviction.) Flying CIA-supplied airplanes, Plumlee was able to cross the border into the States unimpeded by U.S. customs, which lifted inspection requirements for such government-sanctioned aircraft. He and his colleagues, many of whom had flown for CIA-backed airlift operations in Southeast Asia (and some of whom, including Plumlee, had even worked together 30 years ago running guns to Cuba), believed that they were working on sting operations for the DEA. “We’d deliver the drugs, and then we'd wait for the bust, and we waited and waited, but the busts never came," Plumlee says. "Come to find out, the drugs were being sold to support the Contras, and our government knew it. Our government is crookeder than shit. N earby, a U.S. Air Force cargo plane was emptied of its shipment of weapons, and the drug cache was put aboard that aircraft. The Air Force plane then took off for Homestead Air Force Base south of Miami. Every facet. We're a network of greed.... “Our job was to gather facts related to military affairs, at first. Then we were asked to start gathering information on drugs. Then these same agencies that asked us for the intelligence on drugs started sacrificing our men, busting us, calling us a bunch of mercenaries, rogue elephants. I figured, if they’d hang out certain guys to dry like John Hull, Eugene Hasenfus, or Barry Seal, what would they do to me?” In the spring of 1983, Plumlee, who had a residence in Denver, approached then-Senator Gary Hart with information about government involvement in drug running in Central America. Plumlee also expressed his concerns that this information had been passed up through proper channels and nothing had been done about it. He met with Hart staffer Bill Holen, giving him a copy of a map of Central America marked with notes, aircraft IDs, staging areas, weapon drops, and Contra crossover points from Honduras into Nicaragua. At the time, most of this information was a secret being withheld from Congress. The map on which Plumlee continued to make notations for four years, until he quit flying to Central America in 1987, was a form of security for him. He figured that since a copy of it was in Hart’s hands, the map would protect him if he were ever shot down in Central America and the government tried to discredit him and deny his activities. Several of the names Plumlee wrote on the map would be revealed years later to be principal players in the Iran- Contra scandal (Robert Owen, Felix Rodriguez, Richard Secord), including some who figured prominently in the recent trial of former National Security Adviser John Poindexter who was convicted on all counts. But at the time Plumlee jotted them down, these notes and names were his private picture of a dirty secret. Hart, who spent four years on the U.S. Intelligence Committee and is now a practicing lawyer in Denver, says he recalls that Plumlee's information was passed on to the staff of the Senate Armed Services Committee, "and from there it went nowhere. But I think it should have been taken seriously." Hart says he has no reason not to believe Plumlee’s stories, given the later revelations about the Contra war. “ Do I believe the CIA flew guns, legally or illegally, to the Nicaraguan Contras? Of course I believe it. Do I think they flew drugs back? I think it’s possible." In 1985 and 1986, Plumlee estimates that 60-80 percent of his return flights from Central America were drug runs. He figures that he alone delivered some four tons of drugs to this country, flying CIA-funded aircraft on protected flights. And about 50 pilots flew in circumstances similar to his. Plumlee saw and heard about suitcases full of money that were flown south and delivered to the Contra leaders. These were ignominious circumstances in which to end his 30 years of working for the government as a member of the Black Crews, the super-secret operatives attached to the White House as far back as the Eisenhower presidency. "I don’t want to get involved in any way with the government again,” Plumlee announces. “ I am flat-ass done with this shit.” MAP NOTES For this story, the samples of Plumlee’s map notations have been numbered and his spelling corrected. These numbered notes provide a personal view into the Contra war, the inter- — agency feuds, the drug dealing, and the offic government lies. The dates and routes marked on map appear to support recent contentions of at least Sen. John Kerry’s (D-MA) Senate Foreign Relations Subcommittee on Narcotics and Terrorism that the upsurge in the importation of cocaine and marijuana in the 1980s paralleled operations in the U.S.-funded Contra war. Although this subject was scrupulously avoided during the Iran-Contra hearings that made Oliver North a hero, the Kerry Subcommittee report has since confirmed the Contra/drug connection and has also stated flatly that senior officials in the Reagan-Bush administration were aware of and may have even encouraged drug trafficking as a way of funding the Contra war. “We’re spending billions for a drug war that could have been stopped in 1982," Plumlee alleges, "and George Bush knew it." “W e ’re spending billions for a drug war that could have been stopped in 1982,” Plumlee alleges, “and George Bush knew it.” 1 Ck DEA, Mex. Police staging area at ranch This is the Delgado Ranch, a few miles south of San Felipe, Mexico. This ranch was owned by Mexican drug lord Rafael Caro Quintero, who allegedly masterminded the 1985 kidnapping and torture-murder of DEA agent Enrique Camarena. Plumlee says he made “four or five" stops at this drug transshipment point on his way back from delivering CIA- supplied weapons to the Contras and once saw Quintero himself help unload a shipment of marijuana Tosh had brought up from Panama. Plumlee found it intriguing that “the ranch was always heavily protected by Mexican police." Clinton St.—Spring 1990 7

2 Airstrip on Pacific coast, just outside of Cabo San Lucas This is one of several airstrips on the drug route between Central America and the California desert and parts of Arizona. Between 1983 and 1986, Plumlee says, he made a dozen or so drug-ferrying trips up this corridor, starting in Panama and making stops at Santa Elena, Costa Rica; Puerto Escondido, in southern Mexico; and up througn Baja and Mexicali. His delivery points were all over the Southwest. Borrego Desert airstrips. A kickout place near Humboldt Mountain in Arizona. A strip near Buckskin Mountain, close to the Colorado River. And some abandoned mines beside Tunnel Peak, between Parker and Havasu City, Arizona. Plumlee says he delivered some 200 kilos to those mines during what he thought at first were undercover operations in association with the DEA. “We were documenting the loads and the routes and waiting for the big busts. But the busts never seemed to add up to the amount of cocaine we were bringing in.” Plumlee says that many of the men in the Black Crews he worked with felt extremely uneasy about the drug shipments, and occasionally there was talk of coming forward as a group to reveal publicly the extent of government- protected drug shipments. Their complaints to the DEA and CIA contacts often elicited disclaimers that "you’ve got to keep the big picture in mind” and “you might blow a major sting operation.” The FBI, CIA and DEA seemed to be spying on each other’s undercover deals, Plumlee believed, and they were beginning to bust each other's operatives. “Here Iam a dope runner, and this whole thing was turning into a drug operation. It seemed like we were fighting the wrong war all of a sudden. We should have been fighting the drug lords who we were in cahoots with.” 3 Apples, Oranges, Pears, Bananas, code 6 or 7; The Boss—Customer These are Black Crew code words used during the Contra resupply effort; the codes date back to the days when covert operations were being carried out in Cuba in the early 1960s. Apples were small arms and ammunition. Oranges were artillery, C-4 explosives, and primer code. Pears were electronics. Bananas were personnel. “The bananas were delivered” was a code used when, say, a government dignitary was deposited on the ground. Code 6 was the name of the flyway through Central Mexico, across the U.S. border at Piedras Negras, and on up to the Big Bend region of Texas. Code 7 stood for the air route up Baja, through San Felipe and Mexicali, then on to drop points in the Anza-Borrego Desert, Twentynine Palms, or the old Patton bombing range east of the Salton Sea. 4 Rafael Quintero, San Felipe, Mex. [phone number], Gacha, M. Colombo, Penonome, Panama, 1986 This map note contains a San Felipe phone number that Plumlee says was Quintero’s number at tne Delgado Ranch. Gacha is the big- **The gun suppliers— first the CIA and later the private people who turned the war into a business—had to strike deals with the drug people in order to share these strips.” time drug lord from Colombia, Gonzalo Rodriguez Gacha, a member of the Medellin Cartel and purportedly a billionaire. This note refers to a drug deal Quintero and Gacha did together in 1986 that Plumlee says “must have been related to the Contras since Iwas involved.” At the time, Plumlee knew the names only as the people he was to contact at the ranch. Gacha was gunned down by Colombian police last December. 5 12 degrees L, 84 degree Long., Bluefields NGA, River Escualito Bluefields is a port on the Caribbean coast of Nicaragua, one of three harbors mined by the CIA in 1984. Plumlee says that before 1982, he worked mainly on the ground as a militaryintelligence operative, verifying reconnaissance photographs taken by Nicaraguan, Panamanian and Honduran natives. This was part of the American effort to document the buildup of Cuban troops, listening posts and equipment in Nicaragua after the Sandinistas took over in 1979. "We were there in Bluefields lots of times trying to shoot pictures of Cuban missile technicians," Plumlee reports. Among the many rumors that the CIA was frantically trying to check out was the one about the impending construction of ballistic-missile silos on Nicaraguan soil. Plumlee says that his cover, should he have been caught in Nicaragua, was as an American tourist on vacation from his job working in Central America for a pipeline company, CCG American Services, a legitimate French company that had contracts to search there for oil and gas. Other people in that operation had cover as journalists. t& e w S t a r t s 8 Clinton St.—Spring 1990

6 Luis Ochoa, Penonome, Panama, at villa next to river. Previous Vesco and Rojas prop. 6-9- 83 Plumlee says that Jorge Luis Ochoa, a Medellin Cartel member, sometimes stayed at a villa between Rio Hato and Penonome when he was sending shipments out of Panama. Plumlee’s impression at the time he wrote this note was that the villa was actually owned by members of the regime of former President Antonio Somoza, the Nicaraguan dictator ousted by the Sandinistas in 1979. Black Crew scuttlebutt had it that the villa had been owned previously by Nixon crony Robert Vesco, the financier who secretly contributed cash to underwrite the Watergate break-in. / LJtb 1 : K < < « ^~ O ' - * < ^ W ' ' \ . TM ' / CM*I* t ' t M « \ I -K-VA. n * a Ke M* <o *? • A - < J w W S<smp< Swamp P^ftjWQ "~*- Kanai fw KSxmwsst^tffe ^ n ^ p s sw t t m u t o f i m La ..^ \ i r ocean ■^o n g ships .... f e W ' i r t w w ^ t 'M W W w h . f . ^ , , , . 1 C ^ « l . ■ ' " , ■ . A Cap tai - M oft astatic c« r<HiA'»*4>> ;M e X__ ‘ faW fr tt tk tfatohr.io *nrt Schr^>-u>ui E i i /u gv« a i^ r i c tw rha t f ta ^ f e ^ ^ ' -V . >V . '■ CorrU^w* te c ^v f tc ^ fra q a Re»f> • r. <» ih 545^1 (J .^A .■»«>»> ' K-~^ wZv 5 J ^ 4 1 : f - ™ - - -»>•«■ A , , , ^ , , , ^ '?• f?JVW : wcaui$;»to»> St^Vs. JX»„.A-,«^* .... l ’ ' d u The note is significant to Plumlee because it refers tangentially to Barry Seal, a veteran of the Black Crews who was assassinated in Baton Rouge, Louisiana, in 1986. The official U.S. government story on Seal is that he was a drug runner arrested by the DEA in 1983, and, in return for leniency, began working as an undercover narc. Plumlee says that actually Seal had been working for years undercover as a Black Crew operative in military intelligence, though he mignt have been profiting on drug running simultaneously, and that he was a victim of the interagency feuds in which the CIA, DEA and FBI occasionally arrested each other’s watercarriers. One fact about Seal isn't in dispute: He had gained the trust of the highest members of the Medellin Cartel by 1984 and was considered the most important agent the DEA had. In the end, Seal may have been sacrificed to the Reagan-Bush administration’s implacable hatred of the Sandinistas. In 1983, Tosh Plumlee, Barry Seal and other Black Crewmen installed a camera behind the bulkhead of a cargo bay on the Fat Lady, a C-123 transport plane that Seal often flew on gun-and drugrunning missions to Central America. The U.S. government wanted photographs of Jorge Luis Ochoa and other Cartel members helping to load cocaine into the plane. And the plan succeeded; the photos were taken. Plumlee says he saw the pictures on two different occasions. After meeting with Ochoa and another Cartel member in Panama, where they were hiding out after ordering the murder of a senior Colombian government official, Seal reported to the DEA that Manuel Noriega was providing protection for the drug tycoons. In 1984, when the CIA learned that Seal had been meeting with Cartel member Pablo Escobar in Nicaragua, the agency hatched a plan to link the Cartel with the Sandinistas in a drugsmuggling scheme. The agency hoped that if the American public could be convinced of Nicaraguan drug dealing, aid to the Contras might be legalized. The DEA protested that using Seal in this way would blow his cover and ruin any chance of busting the Cartel. According to several recent books and newspaper articles, DEA officials were summoned to the White House in 1984, and pressured by Oliver North to release photos of Seal’s plane in Nicaragua being loaded by Cartel members. The DEA refused. The published accounts say that soon after, North leaked a story to the Washington Times, implicating Nicaraguan leaders in drug smuggling. DEA officials eventually told congressional investigators that the allegations of Nicaraguan drug dealing were untrue. But at the time, the White House was pressing hard for money for the Contras; President Reagan went on national television in March of 1986 with blow-ups of Seal’s photographs, which Reagan claimed had been taken in Nicaragua during a drug loading operation. The President pointed out one man in the pictures, Frederico Vaughn, calling him a close associate of one member of Nicaragua’s ruling junta. Shortly thereafter, Congress reversed itself and voted $100 million in military aid to the Contras. Seal, who had been pulled out of the field by the DEA when the phony Washington Times story broke, eventually was compelled to testify about the Cartel before a federal grand jury in Miami. Barry Seal was machine-gunned to death on Feb. 19, 1986, about a month before President Reagan’s television appearance. Two Colombians shot Seal in his car in front of a halfway house where he was doing time on a drug charge. The Colombians are now serving life sentences in Louisiana, and a warrant has been issued for the arrest of Ochoa and Pablo Escobar, for letting the contract on Seal. As for those photographs Reagan made so much of, they weren’t shot in Nicaragua, Plumlee claims,” .’he / were shot in Panama.” Freddie Vaughn, it turns out, had close ties to the National Security Council and Oliver North. The drug-running documented by the photographs was taking place with the assistance of an ally, who only became a casualty to the drug war when his help in the Contra war was no longer needed. 7 Bill Cooper, Lake Tahoe, Reno, Sept. 1, ‘86, call Four Aces, Palmdale, Harry D. Bill Cooper was a pilot friend of Plumlee’s who, along with Buzz Sawyer, died in the crash of a Clinton St.—Spring 1990 9

C-123 shot down over southern Nicaragua on Oct. 5, 1986. The third American crewman, Eugene Hasenfus, parachuted safely into the jungle and proceeded to blow the cover off the Reagan Administration’s secret Contra war. The plane happened to be Barry Seal’s old Fat Lady, carrying a load of guns and ammunition to a band of Contras working inside Nicaragua. The U.S. government confirmed Plumlee's worst fears about its willingness to sacrifice covert operatives. The White House, the State Department, the CIA— everyone who had a hand in the supply network— stridently denied that Hasenfus or the dead crewmen had any connection at all to the government. Among the papers found aboard the plane was a business card from Robert Owen, Oliver North’s liaison with the Contras [and prior to that chief aide to then- Sen. Dan Quayle (R-IN)]. There were documents linking the plane to Southern Air Transport, the CIA’s airline of choice. Papers in the plane also contained addresses of safe houses in El Salvador, from which enterprising reporters discovered that telephone calls had been made to Richard Secord, the profiteering ex-Air Force general who was in charge of the secret arms-supply network. Hasenfus himself admitted that he had been working for the CIA, specifically for Felix Rodriguez. Hasenfus knew him by his nom de guerre, Max Gomez. Both of these names appear in various places on Plumlee’s map. Rodriguez, who had helped track down and assassinate Che Guevara in Bolivia in 1967, was one of many expatriate Cubans attracted to the Contra war, because they thought it was a harbinger of their return to a liberated Cuba. Rodriguez was recruited to be the main Contra supply coordinator in Central America by Donald Gregg, an ex-CIA official who was named as then-Vice President Bush’s National Security Adviser in 1982. Evidence surfaced during the various Iran-Contra investigations that. Rodriguez may have had almost daily contact with Bush’s office in 1986. But while the Hasenfus affair brought about the undoing of Secord and North and led directly to the revelation of secret arms shipments to Iran aboard Southern Air Transport planes, George Bush skated clean. Plumlee and Cooper go way back. They’d flown together in the 1950s and 1960s for the CIA-front airlines Air America and InterMountain Aviation in the Golden Triangle area, where Thailand, Burma and Laos converge. These flights were in support of the remnants of Chaing Kai-shek’s Chinese nationalist guerrillas, whom the CIA was still backing. Using American arms, they organized large-scale heroin production in Southeast Asia. Eventually, the CIA airplanes were directly involved in drug- running, according to eyewitnesses, investigative reporters, and even congressional investigators. The CIA-backed planes, with their civilian American crews, delivered arms to the guerrillas and then flew opium back out to Thailand. “Old Air America’ pilots who were flying in Central America started to get disgusted about all the drug-running," Plumlee remarks. "They’d say stuff like, ‘This is just like the Golden Triangle.’ They talked about the black goo in the cargo bays of C-46s." The map note refers to Lake Tahoe because that’s where Cooper's family lived. Plumlee says Four Aces Aviation in Palmdale was the airline where Cooper was to pick up his plane for this September, 1986 flying job. 8 C-19, U.S. OMC-235, Delta 3, Sqd 4 “Charlie one-niner was the group name, Delta 3, Squad 4 was the special U.S. Army team I worked with when we were making weapon drops into Nicaragua," Plumlee explains. “ Bill Cooper was flying with that same group, sometimes." OMC-235 was the acronym for Operational Methods Clandestine, a super-secret corps of active-duty military operatives controlled by the White House, Plumlee continues. With these map notations, he was jotting down names of military groups to jog his memory during his talks with Senator Hart’s office. Hart was especially interested in the fact that U.S. active-duty military personnel had been operating undercover in Nicaragua in the early 1980s. 9 Santa Elena (Somoza ranch), C-130, DC- 6B, New airfield being built, 10-4-83. Ochoa- Barry operation, staging area weapons (drugs) Plumlee says that Santa Elena, former Nicaraguan President Antonio Somoza's ranch in northwestern Costa Rica, had been used as a transshipment point by drug runners for years before the Contra war got underway in 1981. And this didn’t change after Oliver North, Richard Secord and their cohorts ordered the improvement of Santa Elena’s landing strip to make the ranch the major staging area to supply weapons and equipment to the Contras’ southern front. Small airstrips like Santa Elena were sprinkled throughout Costa Rica and Honduras. When the Contra war was in full swing, these strips were needed to provide refueling stops and drop-off points for guns and other supplies destined for guerrillas bivouacked nearby. "The drug people controlled the areas where the rebel army needed bases,” Plumlee explains. “The gun suppliers— first the CIA and later the private people who turned the war into a business— had to strike deals with the drug people in order to share these strips. You can’t stay sane and safe down there without being on good terms with the CAF— the Colombian Air Force. I’ve taxied right up with loads of guns, and on the other side of the field they’re loading up drugs at the same time.” The map note refers to Barry Seal and Luis Ochoa, the Colombian drug magnate, running cocaine into Santa Elena. The C- 130 and DC-6B notations refer to the reason the field was improved and the airstrip lengthened at the direction of Secord and North. “ Barry Seal had flown in the Fat Lady with weapons one time and got her stuck," Plumlee says. “That decided ’em to lengthen the airstrip.” Interestingly, during John Poindexter’s trial, in which he was convicted of conspiracy to destroy documents, obstruct investigations, and lie to Congress, the prosecutor introduced a memo from Oliver North to Poindexter corroborating that “ one of the planes of the Contra resupply Creative, Fresh Foods For Your Active Lifestyle. Breakfast • Lunch • Dinner Hours 9:00 am-9:30 pm "Best Vegetarian in PDX" — Pacific NW Magazine 1152 Clackamas Town Center 653-7941 operation got mired down in the mud at an airport in Costa Rica." Another reason Santa Elena was upgraded was that the other major staging area for the Contras' southern front, the ranch owned by American citizen John Hull, 150 kilometers eastsoutheast of Santa Elena, wasn’t big enough for the scale of the operation. Also, even though Hull worked closely with the CIA in helping to arm the Contras, the use of an American’s land in Costa Rica for an arms-shipment point was politically unacceptable to the Costa Rican government. “Oliver North said I was a great American. After a compliment like that, I would have done just about anything.” 10 PT Patrol, Santa Elena Three extremely fast “ stealth" boats were used to patrol the waters off Santa Elena and protect the secret airfield, Plumlee says. Karl Phaler, a San Diegan, had helped El Salvador modify several Boston Whalers into fast patrol boats in 1980 and 1981. Plumlee says the Black Crewmen always called the Santa Elena patrol, boats “Phaler boats.” In an interview, Phaler said he doesn’t know how the boats he helped build for El Salvador might have ended up off Costa Rica. “Maybe somebody else just used my design and the name stuck.” Blvd. National Inslilule for A U T O M O T I V E S E R V IC E E X C E L L E N C E HAWTHORNE AUTO CLINIC, INC. All ASE Certified technicians Complete car and light truck mechanical repair service 4307 SE Hawthorne Portland, Or. 97215 8-5:30 MON-FRI. 234-2119 10 Clinton St.—Spring 1990

Phaler later established a boat company called Freedom Marine in San Diego and sold three radardeflecting Kevlar boats to the Contras for $140,000, according to testimony by Robert Owen before the Iran-Contra committee. In a 1987 San Diego Union story about the boat purchase, Karl Phaler gushed that "Oliver North said I was a great American. After a compliment like that, I would have done just about anything.” 11 “North by Northwest,” Toys for Eden Until May, 1984, Contra leader Eden Pastora was the major beneficiary of weapons shipments to Hull’s ranch and Santa Elena. Costa Rica actually has three areas called Santa Elena; Plumlee says Oliver North and his courier, Robert Owen, assigned the code name “ Point West” to the Santa Elena staging area on the northwest coast of Costa Rica. So Plumlee's notation refers to Oliver North, the location of Santa Elena, and the main reason for its existence. On May 30,1984, at Pastora's jungle hideout La Penca, just inside Nicaragua, a bomb exploded during his press conference. Pastora was decrying the CIA’s pressure on him to merge with the main faction of Contras in Honduras. One American [Linda Frazier of Portland] and several Costa Rican journalists were killed, but Pastora survived. The bombing became the basis of a lawsuit filed by the Christie Institute, a nonprofit publicinterest law firm based in Washington, D.C. The suit claims that the bombing was part of a criminal conspiracy that also included illeA Note On Sources [From the author and the San Diego Reader] To make this story easier to read, attribution was withheld from many assertions of fact. But all these facts have been established and are available in the following publications, which were invaluable in this story’s preparation. Cockburn, Leslie, Out of Control. Atlantic Monthly Press, New York, 1987. Subtitled “The Story of the Reagan Administration’s Secret War in Nicaragua, the Illegal Arms Pipeline, and the Contra Drug Connection,” this book details the web of connections between government functionaries, greedy arms suppliers and the Contra rebels. Plumlee appears in this book as a source. Kwitny, Jonathan, The Crimes of Patriots, A True Tale of Dope, Dirty Money, and the CIA. W.W. Norton & Co., New York, 1987. The Nugan Hand Bank scandal inAustralia is shown to be intricately entwined with many of the same people who controlled the Contra war. This book gives excellent background information on the worldwide operations of several American arms merchants. Wass, Murray, “Cocaine and the White House,” L.A. Weekly, Sept. 30 and Oct. 7, 1988. An exhaustive account of high-level connections between drug dealers and U.S. government agencies working in Central America, this story draws the larger context within which Plumlee was one small but crucial player. Woodward, Bob, Veil: The Secret Wars of the CIA. Simon and Schuster, New York, 1987. A good source for background information and confirmation of Plumlee's stories regarding the types of information the Black Crews helped ferret out. This book also confirmed the time frames in which Plumlee says he performed certain undercover tasks. A Note from Clinton St. An additional source of interest is the report by Sen. John Kerry’sU. S. Senate Subcommittee on Narcotics, Terrorism and International Operations entitled Drugs, Law Enforcement and Foreign Policy, referred to in Matthews’ story. Released April 13,1989, the report describes drug-running throughout the hemisphere, and devotes considerable ink to John Hull (pgs. 142- 153), Felix Rodriguez (pgs. 161-164), and many others cited in this story. The “Kerry Report," which has yet to receive major attention from any mainstream media, is obtainable by request through your U.S. Senator. For further information about drug-running, arms-smuggling and the La Penca bombing, at which Linda Frazier of Portland was killed, the only American civilian murdered in Nicaragua this past decade other than Portlander-University of Washington graduate Benjamin Linder, contact the Christie Institute’s Northwest Regional Office, (503) 234-4107. Brought to you by a generous contribution from 35 “Points of Light" in Port Townsend. gal covert arms smuggling, violations of banking and currency laws, and political assassination. Filed in federal court under the Racketeer-Influenced and Corrupt Organizations statute, the suit names 29 defendants (including Hull, Secord, Owen, Pablo Escobar, and several CIA officials) who allegedly had a direct or indirect hand in the La Penca bombing and in various secret wars all over the world. The lawsuit is currently on appeal. Before the bombing Plumlee says that Pastora's guerrilla commanders often complained about the shoddy gear they were receiving and the escalating prices they had to pay for equipment. “ Sortie of the stuff was crap— boots with holes in ’em, old M-ls instead of M-16s, medical supplies that had their seals broken. It was a business and we were bringing drugs back to pay for it. We were trading better weapons to the drug cartels in return for use of their airstrips. I thought this was a shitty way to fight for democracy.” Once the Contra resupply effort was outlawed by Congress in 1984, Plumlee says, the airplanes themselves became rattletraps. Oliver North's job was to circumvent the congressional ban on government aid to the Contras, and that was accomplished by commissioning Richard Secord to bring in private arms dealers and aircraft suppliers to do the work for profit. Plumlee says these outfits didn’t take care of their airplanes nearly as well as the CIA did. “ See, this way, if a plane went down, it would be much easier to claim it was a shoddy free-lance operation not connected to the government.” MUSIC MILLENNIUM ROCK RAP JAZZ BLUES SOUL FOLK COUNTRY REGGAE NEW AGE CAJUN OLDIES BOTH IN THE UPTOWN SHOPPING CENTER CHANGE YOUR BLAHS IN TO BRIGHTS INTERNATIONAL SOUNDTRACKS CLASSICAL AND MORE! M U S IC M IL LEN N IUM EASTPORTLAND 32ND&E BURNSIDE 231-8926 NWPORTLAND 23RD& NWJOHNSON 248-0163 La Paloma Hillsdale Shopping Center Mon.-Fri.-10am-9pm 5 minutes from Downtown - 246-3417 Sat. 10am - 6pm Clinton St.—Spring 1990 11

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