RAI " Wendell Berry on Agricultural Excellence^^^^,^y\ Tom Bender on True National Security Pacific Northwest Bioregion Report ^ VOLUME IX, NO. 1
Page 2 RAIN Oct./Nov. 1982 RAIN: Journal of Appropriate Technology Volume IX, Number 1 Oct./Nov. 1982 Editor; John Ferrell Contributing Editors: Gail Katz Patrick Mazza Mark Roseland Laura Stuchinsky Graphic Design: Linnea Gilson Intern: Jim Springer Printing: Eagle Web Press Typesetting: Em Space Cover Photograph: Ancil Nance RAIN COMMUNITY RESOURCE CENTER Staff: Rob Baird Ann Borquist Bruce Borquist Nancy Cosper Steve Johnson Comptroller: Lee Lancaster Interns: Karen Coulter Penny Fearon RAIN Magazine publishes information which can help people lead more simple and satisfying lives, make their communities and regions more economically self- reliant, and build a society that is durable, just, and ecologically sound. RAIN is published 6 times a year by the Rain Umbrella, Inc., a non-profit corporation located at 2270 NW Irving, Portland, Oregon 97210, telephone 503/227-5110. Subscriptions are $25/yr. for institutions, $15/yr. for individuals ($9.50 for persons with incomes under $5000 a year). Copyright © 1982 Rain Umbrella, Inc. No part may be reprinted without written permission. In This Issue... Articles Trae Security — by Tom Bender............................................................. 6 20,000 Kilotons Under the Sea: Taking Offense at Trident — by Jim Springer Trying Out the Future: A Look at A.T. Research Centers — The Farallones Rural Center, by Laura Goldman ...............................14 — The Centre for Alternative Technology, by Nigel Dudley..................15 Ordinary Excellence on the Farm — a talk by Wendell Berry ................ 20 The Sound Environment by Steve Johnson ........................................... 24 Features Letters .........................................2 Pacific Northwest Raindrops ...................................4 Bioregion Report........ .......... 32 Rain Checks .................. ......... ...4 Rush .................................. .......... 38 Touch & Go.................................31 Access Information Architecture............................ Kids.................................. Building ....................................30 Nukes ........................................31 Energy...................................... ..23 Peace & War.................... ..........11 Environment ............................29 Politics ......................................13 Futures ......................................18 Self-Help ..................................4 Good Things .......................... .. 18 ATTENTION SUBSCRIBERS! Up to now, we have published a 24-page RAIN 10 times a year. With this issue (Vol. IX, No. 1), we begin publication of a 40-page RAIN 6 times a year. Our volume year wUl run: OCT/NOV, DEC/JAN, FEB/MAR, APR/MAY, JUN/JUL, AUG/ SEP. You'll continue to receive the same total number of pages over the course of a year and your subscription will expire at approximately the same time as it would have under the old schedule. If, for example, your subscription was originally set to expire with the April 1983 issue (Vol. IX, No. 6 under the old schedule) it will now expire with our bimonthly April/Mayl983 issue (Vol. IX, No. 4 under the new schedule). The new expiration code is indicated on your address label. If you have any questions about these changes, please write: Circulation Department, RAIN, 2270 NW Irving, Portland, OR 97210. Letters Dear RAIN, A.T. is easier to promote here when people see that there are concerned people in the affluent U.S.A. We appreciate your work. Thanks. Sincerely, Paul Warpeha The Appropriate Technology Development Institute Lae, Papua New Guinea Dear RAIN, I thought your article "Faith Into Action" (Rain VIII:7) was very good. People are starting to read all of the Bible, not just the parts they think justify their comfortable lifestyles. Unfortunately, your list of Christian based volunteer services omitted one of the largest and most successful, the Jesuit Volunteer Corps. JVC was started 25 years ago (be-
Oct./Nov. 1982 RAIN Page 3 fore Peace Corps or VISTA) and now has over 300 volunteers a year and 5 regional offices. JVC is similar to the other volunteer services in stressing Social Justice, Simple Lifestyle and living in Christian Community. Those interested should contact: Jesuit Volunteer Corps: Northwest P.O.Box 3928 Portland, OR 97208 Sincerely, Dave Kinloch Louisville, KY Dear RAIN, After reading Patrick Mazza's article on the Okanogan, I feel compelled to respond. While he never purported to be doing a comprehensive look at the "counterculture" in NE Washington, 1 feel his article to be far too "rose-colored." 1 lived in the area (actually Ferry County) from 1974 to 1980 and am still a member of an intentional community there, though I choose to live currently in Eugene. I found the area's "new-comers," though good-hearted, to be not very "alternative." Basically these urban refugees fit into two categories: 1) white, suburban, pseudo-Indians (though the vogue now is pseudo-Rastafarians) who have established hippie sub-divisions consisting of PRIVATELY-owned, male-dominated adjacent parcels based on the serial- monogamy nuclear family model. This individualist, sexist, racist (yes, ask real Native Americans what they think of young whites ripping-off their culture) model can hardly be called an alternative social structure; and, 2) The other model does consist of professional & semi-professional types who, by and large, are more active in politics. (I, myself, once ran for County Commissioner.) This group, organizing around Food Co-ops, wilderness issues, and alternative energy has opted for an elitist, hierarchical (patriarchal) model of organization not unlike the "old-boy" network, that runs the establishment politics. Once again, not a very alternative social structure. Like Murray Bookchin says in his "Open Letter to the Ecology Movement," they have become an alternative (?) bureaucracy. 1 think it is crucial for RAIN as the "Journal of Ecotopia" to use more careful analysis before conferring alternative status to any segment of the populace, especially within the parameters of the "counter-culture." A sexist, hierarchical, elitist, individualist element need not be given status merely because it can build a solar mousetrap. Sincerely, ' Michael Donnelly Eugene, OR I have several responses to Michael Donnelly's letter: A) There are sexists and elitists among the newcomers to Okanogan and Ferry Counties. There are also feminists and cooperative interactors. To say that virtually all the newcomers fall into the sexist-hierarchical categories is grossly unfair. In the time I lived in Okanogan County, I found a number of women and men who reflected a highly developed feminist and cooperative consciousness. B) I was writing about Okanogan County, not Ferry County. Though the two places have similarities, they are different. Among the professional and semi-professional groups in Okanogan County, there are women leaders. Some of the most prominent wilderness and ecological advocates in the county are women. Women are also leaders in the local movement for peace and in the Democratic Party Central Committee. For sure, women have problems dealing with the Okanogan old-boy establishment, but they are accepted and heard as leaders among the newcomers. C) That said, I would agree that there are cultural problems relating to the overall emergence of women, not just in Okanogan and Ferry Counties, but in many rural areas with a strong back-to-the-land population. One friend of mine, a feminist male, theorizes that with many people, the move to a rural area is more a male than female priority. And, to be honest, there are many extremely strong male egos among Okanogan County back-to- the-landers. Clearly, there is consciousness raising work to be done, but I would not underrate the capacity of the culture for change. D) Finally, I am disturbed by a “more- alternative-than-thou” tone in Donnelly's letter. This is a kind of elitism in itself, I feel. This elitism is, I believe, one of the most profound cultural problems we face. It is a reality in so many alternative movements (including those in Okanogan and Ferry Counties). We are all a long way from purity. The development ofour culture and consciousness is in process, and we have much to learn. To me, “alternative" is not a status to be conferred, but a number of paths with a common direction. Differen t people and groups develop at different rates and with varying emphases. Some arefarther along than others, especially on the issue of hierarchy. In our criticism of each other, let us keep sight ofour commonalities and greet each other as sisters and brothers. Otherwise, all we are going to be is a bunch of in-trips with our own exclusive criteria for membership in comfortable little denominations. I have no desire for that, and I doubt that Michael Donnelly does either. — Patrick Mazza CORRECTION In the William Appleman Williams interview that appeared in our last issue (Vol. VIII, No. 10) we erroneously attributed the following sentence to Professor Williams: "I think of the empire mostly in terms of the Western Hemisphere, Southeast Asia, Japan, Western Europe and parts of the Mideast." This comment was actually made by the RAIN interviewer rather than by Williams. We regret the error.
Page 4 RAIN Oct./Nov. 1982 RAINDROPS Things have been so hectic around here that I don 't even want to write about it. We're starting Volume IV (look, Ma, four years!) with a huge load ofvisitors, phone calls and materials to cover. I hope the best of it sifts its way into these pages in the coming months . . . LanedeMoIl, Raindrops, October 1977 Some things never change around the Rainhouse, Lane! We're still greeting the visitors, enriching the phone company and trying to keep up with the information load. But we're celebrating our anniversary this year with a change which may, at long last, make our lives a bit less hectic. We'll be publishing 40-page, bimonthly RAINs from now on (see subscriber information on page 2), and with four fewer issues to deal with each year, we'll have more time, freer from deadline pressures, to plow lovingly through our latest layers of books, pamphlets, periodicals and computer output in search of the very best items for mention in RAIN. We'll have more opportunity to think, individually and collectively, about the significance of the new ideas, trends and models-for- change we're constantly encountering, and with 40 pages at our disposal, we'll be able to report our discoveries to you in considerable detail. By expanding our format we've also made room for additional features. With this anniversary issue we are introducing both a regular 4-page "Pacific Northwest Bioregion Report" and a "Rain Checks" column to track changes among the people and projects described in previous issues. We are also reviving a column which last appeared in RAIN in 1976: "Touch & Go" is indescribable, so check it out for yourself. Even with all the information which regularly flows (or rather, floods) through the Rainhouse, we still depend on you, our readers, to provide us with tips on good books, innovative community projects and upcoming events. And during the coming months as we continue to experiment with our new format, your comments, both critical and complimentary, will be extremely important to us. So please — let us hear from you!—John Ferrell RAIN CHECKS The self-help village development in Northern Ghana described in "Everybody Needs Amasaachina" (RAIN VIII:9) made great strides this year thanks to the efforts of Peace Corps volunteers Jeff Strang and Joe Davis and the Amasaachina leaders. Villages raised money for and dug several drinking-water dams, started a primary health clinic, and built a school building, to name only a few projects. The new dam (on the walls of which young men planted trees in the name of the local traditional ruler) held water all through the dry season, and this was the cause of much celebration since it means the village will now be self-sufficient in water year-round. Two new Peace Corps volunteers have been assigned to the district to replace Jeff (who closed service in September) so the good work can continue. — Bruce and Ann Borquist Access Self-Help Safe and AUve, by Terry Dobson with Judith Shepherd-Chow, 1981, 152 pp., $4.95 from: Houghton Mifflin Copipany 2 Park Street Boston, MA 02107 The message of this excellent urban survival manual is straightforward: we are much less likely to become victims of violence if we do not look, act or feel like victims. Common sense precautions designed to minimize opportunities for confrontation (always stand near the control panel in an elevator; hit all the buttons if another passenger makes a menacing move) are combined with intriguing tips on how to behave coolly if confrontation is unavoidable. Principal author Terry Dobson, a longtime practitioner of the nonviolent Japanese martial art. Aikido, explains the use of meditative "centering" techniques to assure a calm and alert response to danger. He also describes how "blending" with the force of your assailant can be used to turn his strength to your advantage. But Safe and Alive is more than just a recital of streetwise tips. The authors remind their readers that a balanced view of modem American life must take into account not only the very real dangers, but the tremendous potential for kindness and generosity from people all around us. To overlook this potential and withdraw in fear from community life is to 3deld to passive victimization. We must strive, say the authors, to "recognize the difference between prudence and paranoia, to be sensibly cautious while living the fullest life [we] possibly can." — John Ferrell Winning With Your Lawyer: What Every Client Should Know About How the Leg^ System Works, by Burton Marks and Gerald Goldfarb, 1980, 242 pp.,$6.95 from: McGraw-Hill 1221 Avenue of Americas New York, NY 10020 Despite the fact that none of us anticipates it, on the average every American will either sue or be sued once during his or her lifetime. And in the midst of a legal battle, we may find ourselves incredibly ignorant of how the legal system works. A recent American Bar Foundation study reports that more than half of all Americans have used a lawyer at least once and that one-third have used lawyers twice or more. In giving us Winning With Your Lawyer, authors Marks and Goldfarb hope to keep the layman from being manipulated by
Oct./Nov. 1982 RAIN Page 5 the system and, given a more realistic understanding, to create pressure to help change the system. The goal of this book is not to solve your particular legal case, but to provide a framework of knowledge from which to move when encountering problems which call for a relationship to a lawyer and the law. Part One outlines different types of encounters with the system asking pertinent questions (Do I need a lawyer? How do I choose one? How honest am I expected to be? What kind of arrangements for fees can I make?), and pointing out opportunities and pitfalls along the way. Part Two focuses on the most frequently encountered legal sub-systems; those that deal with crime, accidents, property, families, death, and taxes. This section can be used for guidance in specific circumstances for anyone with a legal problem. Winning With Your Laywer can teU you — before it's too late — what you need to know to help you through a legal crisis. — Nancy Cosp>er The great strength of this book is its uniqueness. It is the only book I know of offering a comprehensive guide to writing and implementing a rent control law that will protect tenants against unfair costs or conditions without adversely affecting the willingness of private parties to invest in housing. The essays on writing a good law are well grounded in the actual experiences of U.S. and foreign cities and take up much of the book. In the more philosophical essays, the contributing writers reveal the dimensions of the housing problem in the U.S. and argue the need for a longterm solution that goes beyond rent control — like the removal of housing investment from the private market. Unfortunately, the vwit- ers are rather vague in their efforts to justify such a solution or demonstrate its workability. Nevertheless, housing activists can make good use of this b^k. Those who do not already have a copy should get one — quick. — Scott Androes Kids The Children’s Solar Energy Book even Grownups can Understand, by TiUy Spet- gang and Malcolm Wells, 1982,156 pp., $6.95 from: Sterling Publishing Co. 2 Park Avenue New York, NY 10016 A patient teacher plus a class of crazy kids plus solar information can only equal one thing, and it did. Open this book and join Mrs. Robinson's solar energy class. You may be sitting next to a dragon, Jenny the Dog, or your friendly neighborhood python, but no matter where you sit, reading this book is a humorous and” educational experience. And no matter what grades Mrs. Robinson gives her class. The Children's Solar Energy Book gets an A-Plus. — Darcy Cosper, age 12 Rent Control: A Source Book, by John Gil- derbloom and Friends, 1981, 320 pp., $9.95 from: Foundation for National Progress Housing Information Center P.O. Box 3396 Santa Barbara, CA 93105 This collection of short essays is about so-called "moderate" rent control. Not a freeze on rents such as New York City had during World War II (the sort of control that leads to abandonment and an end to new construction) but rather a controlled rise in rents that allows landlords a "fair" profit but prevents rent gouging. _l ikt mm / Solar • • From: The Children's Solar Energy Book if Oil ^ sock O &TJS!'A °
Page 6 RAIN Oct./Nov. 1982 TRUE SECURITY By Tom Bender In the not-too-distant future we are likely to see a worldwide default on U.S. "development aid" loans. All nations hold some concern about their safety and security and seek to avoid being bullied or abused by other nations. But there is much evidence to suggest that our own country is making no serious effort to understand where its true security lies or to act in ways to ensure that security. Our vast military expenditures have very little to do with real security, which must rely more deeply on our social, political, and economic relationships with others. Our defense expenditures, in fact, jeopardize our security more than aid it through genocidal nuclear overkill capabilities, offense-geared structures, and diversion of funds and attention from other important dimensions of our society. It is peculiar, too, that in an era when the only real military threat to our national security has been Soviet nuclear ICBMs (and we have admitted that there is virtually no defense against such weapons) that we have continued to expand our nuclear arsenal and to encourage a policy of centralizing our population, industry and energy systems into gigantic and easily-targeted settlements and installations. And what about energy? The U.S. no longer has the secure energy reserves to fight a prolonged foreign war, yet the ever present danger of import cut-offs has moved some of our national leaders to speak ominously of future (assuredly futile) military action in the Persian Gulf to protect our continued access to oil. One would think that an immediate, massive campaign to eliminate energy waste, increase use efficiency, reduce our energy
Oct./Nov. 1982 RAIN Page? demands and convert to renewable sources would be indicated, but our present national administration continues its retreat from support of conservation and renewables. The move of our industrial base outside of the U.S. by multinational corporations presents another, largely unchallenged, threat to our security. A large proportion of “American” automobiles, radios, tape recorders and televisions are now assembled in other countries. Thirty- three percent of the assets of our chemical and pharmaceutical industries, 40% of our consumer goods industry, and 75% of our electronics industry have been moved outside of the country. Between 1945 and 1970, U.S. firms established more than 8,000 subsidiaries abroad, with an employment growth rate of 3.5 times domestic employment. Today, one out of three employees of U.S. firms is located outside of the U.S. while jobless rates at home continue to climb. Would such vulnerability to our industrial base seem wise from the standpoint of national security? Government support of business interests resulting in direct conflict with our national security occurs in the area of nuclear proliferation. We have supported the export of nuclear technologies, reactors and fuel to other countries — ostensibly for "peaceful” purposes. Yet we know that already, Israel, India, Pakistan and South Africa have used our exports in nuclear weapons programs. A wealthy and powerful society like ours is complex, and oddly, very vulnerable to sabotage and terrorism. A single shot can shut down an entire electrical distribution grid. A single handful of plutonium scattered from an office building window can threaten the lives of hundreds of thousands of people. A single anti-tank rocket fired at an LNG storage tank can create another Hiroshima. A single kidnapping can ransom an empire. Our vulnerability to such acts is already apparent to others and it underlines the importance of our voluntary and willing adjustment to new global conditions, values and aspirations. Regardless of how much overt military power we possess, terrorism could eventually escalate to a state of siege within the U.S. itself if our relations with other nations continue to deteriorate. Combined with our government's curious assistance in nuclear proliferation, such conditions could mean that within the next 15 years we will find ourselves either blown off the map or held hostage for a new economic and social world order. It is better that we learn our lesson from OPEC and initiate needed changes ourselves. In the not-too-distant future we are likely to see a world-wide default on U.S. "development aid" loans. Unless we anticipate and prepare carefully for this, it could lead to a catastrophic collapse in the world monetary system. We need to face the reality that such loans were given more to expand the markets of U.S. companies and to create indebtedness to us than to assist development in the interests of people in the countries concerned. These loans — which represent but a drop in the bucket compared to the expropriated profits that we have taken from developing countries as a result of the economic system that the "aid" has been instrumental in setting up — should justifiably be written off. We are also likely to see drastically lowered ceilings on oil and raw material exports to the U.S., and correspondingly higher prices, as countries realize the bargaining power and dollar value of their now limited resources and strive to stretch out their availability. It will be essential for us to develop high levels of materials reuse and recycling — the sooner seriously undertaken, the better. Nationalization of U.S.-owned, foreign-located industries could also spread, based on the argument that U.S. investors have already been more than amply repaid their investments through excessive profit conditions imposed on other countries and that the industrial plants themselves represent but partial repayment for past exploitation. It is also likely that other countries will demand that we make order-of-magnitude improvements in our energy use and the protein and energy efficiency of our food system, in order to escape further sanctions. Many countries are already outraged at having to support our wasteful habits, gross inefficiencies and per-capita domination of world resources. It is important that we fully understand our changing role in the world, realize the gross injustices that lie behind our present patterns of interaction with other countries, and put our efforts into helping, rather than hindering, the transition to more equitable, fair and humane international relationships. We would be better Our future security lies much more in the goodwill of others than in tending to our own narrow self-interest. off in the future with at least a small legacy of understanding, respect and helpfulness rather than bitterness, obstructionism and hatred, for our future security lies much more in the goodwill of others than in tending to our own narrow self-interest. True security requires that all nations feel secure. Economic and financial self-reliance and equity of power are essential, but beyond these factors a much more important dimension of security lies in the willingness of nations to help other nations in time of need. That willingness comes as reciprocity — repayment for past aid and helpfulness. Nations will have real security only when they base their interactions on such reciprocity as well as on friendship, respect, admiration and love. Building that kind of security will require a vastly different attitude and approach than we have followed to this point. □□
Jim Springer Pages RAIN Oct./Nov. 1982 Catholic Archbishop Raymond Hunthausen addressing anti-Trident peace rally four days before arrival ofU.S.S. Ohio. For peace to take hold we must surmount the barriers to peace that exist on many levels, from our shrouded psyches to our armament industries. 20,000 Kilotons Under The Sea: By Jim Springer It was a lopsided battle in a war of nerves. A 560-foot nuclear submarine protected by 99 Coast Guard vessels against a rag-tag flotilla of small boats, many of them powered only by oars. As the Trident submarine U.S.S. Ohio approached its berth at Bangor, Washington, peace activists attempted to execute a plan months in the making. They intended to mount a “peace blockade" in the path of the behemoth submarine and force it to a stop. To deter it even slightly, or get arrested in trying, would fulfill the goal of the protesters to express their opposition to this new weapon of unimaginable potential. Early on the morning of August 12, 1982 when word came that the Ohio was near, the blockade boats moved out from the bay where they had lain in wait for the sub's arrival. The “always ready" Coast Guard was ready now and pounced on the demonstrators, hitting them with water cannons, snagging them with grappling hooks, and threatening them with .50-caliber machine guns, M-16s and pistols. In the words of one demonstrator, the Coast Guard was “horribly efficient." Although three people managed to get their speedboat to within 100 feet of the Ohio, most of the 45 activists did not even get near the 1,000-yard security zone around the sub. When the confrontation was over, 31 activists had been arrested and 14 of their boats had been seized. Curiously, 17 of those arrested were quickly released without being charged with any crime. The other 14, among them a Lutheran pastor and a 78-year-old former national Mother of the Year, were charged with violating a Coast Guard security zone and failure to obey a Coast Guard order, and then were released on their own recognizance. A week after the arrests, the government surprised those involved and dropped its charges against the 14 saying, “The cases simply do not present circumstances aggravated enough to merit felony prosecutions." An alternative explanation for the government move, offered by some of the activists, was that the government wanted to avoid a trial that would have given the anti-Trident movement more publicity and brought revelations of illegal and dangerous actions by the Coast Guard during the blockade smashing. Since the activists promise further harassment of the Trident as it moves in and out of Hood Canal, future arrests are inevitable. The $1.2 billion Trident submarine, and the extremely accurate missiles it will carry, is this country's newest major weapons system to go on line. It would not be an overstatement to call the destructive potential of a Trident submarine earthshaking; it might be earthbreaking. The force within the hull of one sub will be more than that used by all the world's navies in all the wars in history, according to the Navy. The sub will carry 24 H-bomb- crowned missiles with ranges of 4,600 miles. The number of independently-targetable warheads per missile is classified information but could be as many as 14. This would allow each sub (there may eventually be 20) to target 336 sites. Yield per warhead is said to 1^ in the 100-kiloton range, about seven times the explosive force of the Hiroshima atomic bomb.
Oct./Nov. 1982 RAIN Page 9 National opposition to Trident has been more « subdued than opposition to MX. Taking Offense At Trident Opposition to Trident has been strong and well-organized in the Northwest as evidenced by a well-attended peace rally a few days prior to the Ohio's arrival. The rally, sponsored by the Ground Zero Center for Nonviolent Action (see RAIN VIII: 7,14) and the Seattle Religious Peace Action Coalition (SERPAC), attracted about 6,000 area residents and exhibited the diversity of those opposed to the new weapon. Among the ralliers were Christians, atheists, preschoolers, retirees, socialists, communists. Republicans, educators, physicians, veterans, and loggers, — participation that cut across the political and social spectrum of society. Also in attendance at the rally were a dozen or more Japanese Buddhists who have been working closely with the Ground Zero Center while attempting to construct a peace pagoda adjacent to the submarine base. But while Trident may be a destabilizing weapon of nearly the same proportions as the MX system, national opposition to Trident has been more subdued than opposition to MX. The reason, suggests Charles Meconis of SERPAC, is that Trident is less conspicuous, and its deployment will have a direct negative effect on fewer Americans. Though the blockade attempt at which he was arrested did not succeed in stopping the Ohio, Meconis sees some benefits nonetheless. "We publicized this thing beyond my wildest expectations. The damn thing would have shipped in at seven a.m. with the Navy band playing and wouldn't have been noticed by anyone. [The blockade] focused opposition to nuclear arms on Trident. It was supported by most of the anti-nuclear spectrum because of its symbolic, nonviolent nature. It helped to unify the movement," he said. The deployment of the first Trident submarine, the peace demonstrations and the acts of civil disobedience that have accompanied it, contrasts the disparate American approaches to the attainment and maintenance of peace. At opposite ends of the spectrum of beliefs are militarists and the pacifists, whose views are strongly held and not readily compromised. Communication across the gulf of misunderstanding and suspicion that separates them is often through conflict that probably serves only to strengthen the resolve of both and makes compromise more unlikely. The military's approach to peace is familiar because we hear it frequently reiterated by defense officials. It is an indirect approach that, at least in the past, has revolved around the idea of deterrence. If we maintain the ability to annihilate any enemy, even after they have done their worst to us, they will be deterred from warring against us because they will fear retaliation. In this way, more weapons make us safer. The Trident system is a deterrent to war, says the Navy, because it will be well concealed deep in the ocean, will survive a nuclear attack on the United States, and will be able to severely punish the attacker. But those who oppose Trident point out that with the super accuracy of its missiles, it is more than is needed for Jim Springer
Jim Springer Page 10 RAIN Oct./Nov. 1982 simple deterrence. Great accuracy is not needed to hold a retaliatory threat against cities. It, and its land-based fellow, the MX, is apparently designed to destroy Soviet military targets and might be used in a first-strike against the Soviet Union. The improvements in missile guidance have given the U.S. an offensive capability that allows for a new, more aggressive approach to "defense." An American president might see fit to launch a pre-emptive nuclear strike in the name of defense and of protecting the "free world." The Defense Department has yet to publicize a rationale for the new-generation missiles that explains why we need them for anything besides a first- stnke capability. The "deterrence" rationale has lost credence now, when invoked to defend the new missiles. The peace activists who attempted to stop the Ohio Restaurant in Poulsbo, Washington have views that receive less exposure than the military's. A tenet espoused by the pacifistic element of the movement is that the cause of arms creation and war is rooted inside each of us rather than in our supposed enemies. Jeanne Clark, a member of Ground Zero, which helped organize the peace blockade, says we need to overcome the "Tridents within ourselves." The Trident exists outside of us becausefirst it exists within us... the violence within us is hidden, hidden so deep that even we do not recognize its existence within us. It exists in our inability to accept differences which leads us to a desire to control. Differences seem to us unmanageable. People are too unpredictable when they are not like me. For many of us there are only two choices: I will make you like I am, or I will destroy you . . . Just as desirefor power over another is a Trident within us, so is the giving of power, cooperating with those who would believe that they have power over us — giving in, giving up. being without hope. It is this hopelessness and helplessness, this giving up of power and submitting to domination which keeps all of us enslaved to nuclear weapons. Pacifist Shelley Douglass, a Ground Zero Center founder who has been often jailed for civil disobedience, also stresses the importance of looking inward. She believes that one's attitude must be correct if actions are to be successful. We cannot say no to Trident out offear, though it may end the world. We cannot say no to Trident out of anger, though it impinges, upon our most basic rights. We can only say no to Trident out of a commitment to life and to love, and a willingness to change, because such commitment is the only alternative to the Trident fleet. To say no to Trident in a spirit of hatred or fear is to perpetuate Trident. To say no to Trident in a spirit of compassion is to begin to end nuclear weapons. These statements express a more direct approach to peace; we will get peace by being peaceful ourselves. If in seeking peace we adopt violence, we will never gain peace. The intuitiveness and simplicity of this argument make it compelling. Clearly it is impossible to attain a goal by promoting its antithesis. But given that the path to take is so obvious, why didn't the killing end centuries ago? Are we destined to war until we can war no more? Is the violence within us unconquerable? Perhaps it is, but we have no choice except to assume that self-control is possible and to set about trying it. For a true and lasting peace to take hold, we must surmount the barriers to peace that exist on many levels, from our shrouded psyches to our armament industries. While pacifism will not be soon embraced by mainstream America, it is a perspective that ought to receive serious consideration in the search for security and peace. Whatever it does embrace, mainstream America is very anxious to get out from under the shadow of nuclear war. Public opinion analyst Louis Harris, in a recent interview with The Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists (see access below), said he can recall nothing quite like the "urgent hunger for peace" disclosed by his recent polls. He found that 86 percent of the American people would like to see a negotiated nuclear arms reduction agreement between the United States and the Soviet Union. This indicates sentiment against the indirect bombs-for-peace approach in favor of the obvious, direct approach. Such overwhelming support for a reduction agreement makes the present an opportune time for our government to propose innovative and serious solutions to this momentous problem. The Trident submarine threatens any attempt to reach agreement with the Soviets. It, and other new weapons suggest that the military is readying a first-strike strategy against the Soviet Union and make the Soviets, and concerned Americans, extremely wary of our intentions. These weapons should have to be fully justified' to American citizens. If super-accurate missiles are truly necessary for national defense, let the military argue the case and convince Americans. The doubts and fears that first-strike weapons arouse in many Americans are warranted in the absence of any reasonable explanation for their existence. Until the military adequately explains them or ceases deploying them, it can only expect increasing resistance from Americans who abhor the thought of this country initiating the use of nuclear bomte a second time. □□
Oct./Nov. 1982 RAIN Page 11 My hometown and my family were all burned, and I Dm A7 Dm Gm Dm Gm 5 4 ^ G (7 buried their bones deep in the black and niined earth, Now a fragile , blossom of Dm A tc ^ pale flowers bloom. We must not allow atom bombs anymore. Dm Gm Dm Gm Dm A7 Dm f-v $c nto <9 *f I- Never, oh never atom bombs anymore, no never again in our town. Anthem of the Japanese A-bomb victims - sung by anti-Trident peace activists, August 1982 1st translation, Keiko Mizutani. Final translation and poetry, Stephen Soderland. Peace & War Guide to War Tax Resistance, by the War Resisters League, 128 pp., 1981, $6.00 plus $1.00 postage and handling, from: War Resisters League 339 Lafayette Street New York, NY 10012 People PayforPeace, by William Durland, 104 pp., 1982, $4.00 plus $1.50 postage and handling, from: Center on Law and Pacifism P.O. Box 1584 Colorado Springs, CO 80901 Five years ago it was nearly impossible to • find comprehensive information on war tax resistance. Now it is perhaps as strong a statement as any on the growth of the resistance movement that three excellent reference works are available on the subject: a 1980 edition of the Peacemaker's Handbook on the Nonpaj/ment of War Taxes and the two books covered in this review. People Pay for Peace and the WRL Guide to War Tax Resistance arrived at the Rain- house at a most opportune time for Ann and me. We withheld 50% of our income tax this year and sent it instead to the local chapter of the Fellowship of Reconciliation, explaining to the IRS that we simply couldn't pay for nuclear holocaust and remain Qiristians. A series of reminders followed by the 10-day pay- up-or-else notice have since arrived, with the latest computer letter (no longer opening with "Dear Taxpayer:") informing us that a lien can now be put on our property at any time in order to recover the diverted tax money. As an otherwise conscientious, law-abiding citizen with no previous brushes with the law, 1 started feeling rather paranoid when these letters started arriving. It was very reassuring, therefore, to read in these books about what the IRS can and cannot do to collect the diverted tax money, and through this to get a perspective on the movement in general. The War Resisters' Guide is a well- planned, easy to read manual and source book on war tax resistance that will be useful to people at all stages of involvement. After a short review of the major issues surrounding tax resistance (religious, political, etc.) the book immediately gets down to details: How do 1 do it, and what might happen if 1 do? Chapters on analyzing the federal budget, personal histories of resisters, and guidelines for conducting a seminar on war tax resistance are interesting and help to give a rounded picture of the movement, but it is in the personal "how-to" sections that the editors excel. Sample 1040 and W-4 forms, explicit directions for alternative ways of resisting, clearly-stated consequences of each method, and an explanation of the IRS collection process make this a valuable reference work. People Pay for Peace will be most useful to the reader who needs a more in-depth examination of the history and philosophy behind war tax resistance and also to the resister at the other end of the spectrum who faces legal action as a result of his or her stand. Dedicated to St. Hugh, Bishop of London, who refused to pay his war tax to King Richard 1 (and won!) in 1197, the book was written by Bill Durland and reflects his wide experience in defending war tax resisters as coordinator and legal counsel for the Center on Law and Pacifism. Although chapters on IRS procedures and government legal battles with resisters are too involved for my immediate (or hopefully future) needs, they are interesting as backgroimd. A discussion of the history and philosophy of war tax resistance is presented with the same attention to detail, and is prefaced with an explanation of the book's title: instead of paying for "peace" through tax dollars, people need to start paying for real peace with "our souls, our consciences, and our bodies" by not participating in the headlong rush to nuclear holocaust. Refusing to pay war taxes, by itself, does not pay for peace. Just as important is the positive action that must accompany it, and both books stress the donation of diverted taxes to local human service programs (many of which now lack funding due to President Reagan's strange definition of community self- help) and the creation of alternative funds. Escrow accounts are also now receiving money on behalf of the World Peace Tax Fund, which needs grassroots support from resisters and sympathizers in order to be approved by Congress. The number of war tax resisters has tripled in the last three years, but lest we become overconfident in our new sense of power and unity, both authors remind us that there has been more witness than victory in the movement, and as long as the courts remain wedded to the government's interests and to "national defense" this will continue to be the case. They put this into perspective, though, with the reminders that the IRS is primarily a collection agency (it rarely proCont. on next page
Page 12 RAIN Oct./Nov. 1982 secutes for war tax resistance if it can get the diverted taxes in other ways), and that many resisters go unchallenged year after year. Reagan's new tax measures may make it tougher on resisters in the future, but, as Joshua told the Israelites, we need to choose whom we will follow, and "as for me and my family, we will follow the Lord." — Bruce Borquist "A Talk with Louis Harris," by Jamie Kalven, The Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, Aug/Sep 1982, $2.50 + $.95 postage/ copy from; Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists 5801 South Kenwood Avenue Chicago, IL 60637 Americans are "genuinely frightened" these days says pollster Louis Harris in this issue of The Bulletin. "Frightened in an activated way as opposed to a passive way" — by the perception that "the leaders of the Soviet Union and the leaders of the United States are heading toward a From: Guide to War Tax Resistance nuclear confrontation." As director of one of the most respected polling organizations in the country, Harris, more than most p>eople, is in a position to tell us what Americans think. He has discovered some widely held fears and hopes among Americans concerning nuclear weapons and the threat of nuclear war. A few of his recent findings . . . — A large majority (73 to 23 percent ) would like every country that has nuclear weapons to ban the production, storage, and use of those weapons. — An even larger majority (81 to 16 percent) wants the United States and the Soviet Union to agree not to produce any new nuclear weapons, provided both have a rough equivalence of such weapons today. — 56 percent of the voters say they would vote against a candidate for Congress who favored escalation of the nuclear arms race, even if they agreed with him on almost every other issue. — By 74 to 22 percent, Americans say they want all coimtries that have nuclear weapons to destroy them. — 66 fjercent think it is immoral for any country to produce more nuclear weapons. In view of these findings and others, Harris offers some advice to the peace movement: Ifyou want to be effective on this issue, you must zero in on it. The movement is much stronger on a straight-forward, simple basis. I don't think it's an oversimplification simply to say: "We demand that this potential scourge ofhumanity be halted andfinally ended." The more you diffuse the issue with a whole series of other issues, the more you weaken the movement. Harris's poll results, and his interpretation of them, describe a nation of people who see and fear an escalating arms race that jeopardizes our safety more each day. Nuclear freeze advocacy would appear to be a political position bringing broad support from voters in the upcoming elections. Let us hope and ensure that it is a widely discussed issue. — Jim Springer The Plutonium Culture: From Hiroshima to Harrisburg, by Jim Garrison, 1981, 224 pp., $14.95 ha^cover from: The Continuum Publishing Coip. 18 East 41st Street New York, NY 10017 There have been a number of books on the technology of nuclear power and weapons. Jim Garrison's book moves beyond the technical and into the psychological, moral and emotional asp>ects of our nuclear society: from the bomb, to power, to proliferation. The personal stories of Hiroshima's hibakusha (Japanese idiom literally meaning "explosion-affected person"), those of people in the surrounding communities of Harrisburg, and of the employees of jiuclear facilities, strike a frightening chord — the Plutonium Culture is all around us. Garrison's exploration of the psychological effects of our relatively short nuclear history, however, does not rely solely on pulling your heartstrings. He includes detailed accounts of the bombing of Hiroshima, the "event" at Three MUe Island and the death of Karen Silk- wood. Also included is an in-depth explanation of the effects of high and low-level radiation, fallout, the nuclear fuel cycle and the enrichment process. It could be, in many ways, a terrifying, depressing book. But Garrison concludes with both a chapter on soft energy alternatives and on non-violent responses to the mjclear industry. This last chapter on non-violence is particularly insightful, stressing the importance of non-cooperation with the nuclear evil and of the need for forgiveness. Drawing on Thomas Merton and Gandhi, Garrison points out Federal Funds Outlays by Function (Fiscal Year 1982) 567* TOTAL MlLriARY S284 Billion past military $98 B or 197o veterans benefits (S24 B) 807« interest on debt ($74 B) present military $186 or 37V# Dept, of Defense ($181 B) Dept, of Energy (military) (SS B) preaenl military spending general government, etc. international affairs science justice general government 20V> interest on debt $49 B or lOVe 44Vo TOTAL NON-MILITARY $222 BUlion physical resources and envir. agriculture commerce & housing credit transportation community & regional develop. $51 B or lOVo human resources health income security general purpose fiscal as: education, training, etc. $122 Bor 24V« 100% TOTAL FEDERAL FUNDS $506 BUlioii
Oct./Nov. 1982 RAIN Page 13 r( ithat we must develop our ability to discontinue the hatred and to liberate both the oppressors and the oppressed. In response to an industry that "assaults our f)syches . . . damages our bodies . . . and] erodes our freedoms," this path of non-violence may be our only hope. — Meg Roland An energy conservation specialist, Meg is active in several Portland-area peace and community self reliance organizations. Parenting for Peace and Justice, by Kathleen and James McGinnis, 142 pp., 1981, $4.95 from: Orbis Books Maiyknoll, NY 10545 With some books, it's all I can do to prop my eyelids open and keep turning the pages. This one was a joy to read both for its content and its style. The authors, who have three children, describe their experiences in seeking to live out their faith by making social justice concerns an integral part of family life. In chapters on stewardship/simplicity, nonviolence in the family, multicultural- izing family life, and family involvement in social action, they outline their rationale and the principles that form the basis of their action in each particular area. Following that, they give an outline for "Looking at Ourselves," which suggests ways to examine your family life, television shows, toys, the school environment, the neighborhood, etc., and evaluate those areas in terms of whether they promote or undermine social justice. Also included are ideas for activities that foster social consciousness, nonviolence, and personal affirmation. The authors' inspiring anecdotes about their children will challenge the skepticism of readers whose own offspring may be somewhat less than angelic. On Good Friday in 1979, the McGinnis family discussed the significance of the day and then visited a neighborhood school that was soon to be demolished, delivered some favorite books to the children's hospital, and mailed tax protest letters to the president, the IRS, and to Congress members. Daughter Theresa, however, was more concerned with how to spiell her name on the protest letters than with their message! On another occasion, Martin Luther King's birthday, they asked their son Tommy what he had learned in school about King. Tommy said, "We were talking about how he was working for freedom for all men." Their quick response was, "You mean freedom for all men and women.” "No," said Tommy, "the book said men, and it meant just men.” Parenhng for p>eace and justice has its ups and downs. I was esp>ecially impressed by the way the McGinnises have woven their faith and social justice concerns into every part of their family life in a natural, comfortable way. They remind parents to incorporate these ideas slowly and comfortably, and not try to make their families models of social justice in one week or less. This book raised some questions and gave me many ideas to ponder from my p>erspective as a parent-(someday)-to-be. I'd like to review it again in about 10 years. — Ann Borquist War or Peace?; The Search for New Answers, edited by Thomas A. Shannon, 1980,255 pp., $9.95 from: Orbis Books Maryknoll, NY 10545 Pacifism used to be associated with Quakers, political radicals, and draft dodgers, or with what Gordon Zahn, a Catholic p>eacemaker, referred to as the "lunatic fringe." We are seeing a tremendous and encouraging shift in that focus today. I attended several activities during "Ground Zero" week and was astounded — and overjoyed! — by the diversity in the audience. It seems that some middle Americans are lining up on the lunatic fringe. Pacifism is fast becoming a "legitimate" option for every citizen, and for the Christian, it may be a necessity. The authors of these essays deal with this issue as it relates to the just war theory (which states that war under certain conditions is justified) and suggest ways that our individual and institutional lifestyles must change. Responding to Pop>e Paul Vi's statement that "Peace cannot be limited to a mere absence of war . . . p>eace is something that is built up day after day, in the pursuit of an order intended by God, which implies a more p>erfect form of justice among men," Catholic bishop Thomas Gumbleton writes, "... we are not being coaxed into considering whether we would like to do anything. We are being asked, each of us, what we intend to do. Isn't the promise of true p>eace something all of us are willing to sacrifice for, something precious beyond measure?" One man who made that sacrifice wasn't mentioned in the history books I read. His name was Franz Jaggerstatter and he was beheaded for refusing to serve in Hitler's army because he felt that war was unjust and evil. It is accounts like this and the short histories of the nonviolent tradition in America, the involvement of Christians in war, and the emergence of the Catholic Worker community that were of special interest to me both as a Christian and as a war tax resister. This is not light reading. In fact, I had to read some passages twice before I could translate the thesis level writing into understandable English, but it was well worth the effort. I recommend this book to those of you who are serious about exploring the basis and new direction of Christian pacifism. — Ann Borquist Politics Marxism After Marx, by David McLellan, 1979,355 pp., $6.95 from: Houghton Mifflin Company 2 Park Street Boston, MA 02107 Tired of waiting for the movie but still wary of tackling original Marxist tomes? Wait no longer. David McLellan, respected biographer and popularizer of Marx, has written a readable and comprehensive study of the old master's followers. Everybody who's anybody is included — from Rosa Luxemburg to Louis Althusser, and beyond. The format is conveniently organized around individual authors, placed roughly in chronological order. McLellan begins with Engels and follows through to the present, providing substantial discussion of about 20 theorists and passing references to countless others. There are chapters on a single theorist ("Lenin"), on schools of thought ("The Frankfurt School"), and on certain theoretical trends ("Structural Marxism"). One advantage of having so many important Marxist thinkers represented in one book is that the reader is able to trace the progressive development of Marxist theories through time and across continents. The author does a good job of pointing out the connections between different theorists and how each is related to Marx himself, giving us a clear view of the evolution of ideas. A disadvantage of the all-in-one-book style is the brevity which is required. The prose is clipped, the discussions often seem to be cut short. In only a few cases does the reader gain a clear understanding of even the essence of a particular theory. Obviously, this book is best read with a background understanding of Marxist thou^t, though it isn't absolutely necessary. Marxism After Marx is enjoyable and informative at the same time. It gives a panoramic view of some very influential ideas which, if well understood, can provide a useful framework for observing the way our world works. Like a trip to the zoo, this book allows us to catch a glimpse of a different world, while we leave it to others to spend their lives there — Scott Androes A former RAIN intern, Scott is a student at Harvard.
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