PSU Magazine Fall 2004

they love and trust the most, their parents. We know from research conducted on other groups that experienced oppression and trauma that survivor syndromes exist and are pervasive in the human development of second– and third-generation offspring. The characteristics of survivor syndrome include stress, self-doubt, problems with aggression, and a number of psy– chological and interpersonal relation– ship problems with family members and others. I t stands to reason that the African American experience carries with it a host of stressors that are compounded when the issue of poverty is added. The "American Dream" historically promised economic prosperity to any– one who simply worked hard; how– ever, slavery relegated Africans to an inferior status and barred this group from ever having access to the dream. The dismantling of slavery suggested that African Americans were now allowed the opportunity to achieve the dream, yet Jim Crow laws enacted a system of discrimination against African Americans that eliminated access to jobs, housing, education, and other survival needs. The Jim Crow laws were not ruled illegal until 1954. Today, the African American com– munity is made up of individuals and families who collectively share survival behaviors from prior generations. Most of these behaviors ensured our survival at one time or another. However, today many of these behaviors will inhibit our ability to survive and thrive if they are not brought to light, examined, and, where necessary, replaced. The following is an example of a socially learned behavior that PTSS theory suggests can trace its roots in historical adaptations. Whenever l am in a place of busi– ness, l like to observe the behaviors of people waiting in line. I am particu– larly interested in the behaviors of African Americans, which are often in stark contrast to the behaviors of Euro– pean Americans and other groups. On one such occasion there was a black mother in a bank with three small children. The children were standing close to their mother. Whenever one of them would become curious about someone or something in the bank and attempted to leave the mothers side, the mother would verbally chastise the child, snapping her fingers and gestur– ing to the child to immediately return to her side. In the same line there was another mother standing and waiting for an available teller. Only she was white. She also had several small children similar in age Lo the black mothers children. The mother had her hands full trying to stay in line while her little boy wandered about skipping, twirling, rolling on the l1oor, and ask– ing questions of the bank security guard. The white mother did not insist that her children stand by her side. Instead, she tried LO keep an eye on them and apologized to the people in line who her children were obviously annoying. Once the black mother was busy with the teller, one of her children, a little girl, slid down the length of the counter hidden from her mother's sight. Another black mother waiting in line saw her down beneath the counter and did something that is all too famil– iar to African American children; she gave the attempted escapee the "black mother's death stare" and gestured with a slight move of her head for her to return to her mother's side, which the child did with lowered head. Both women had sent a message to the black children that this is not a place for them, but the children could see that it was an OK place for white chil– dren to play, explore, and interact freely. With the historical lens of slavery one can now better understand why the mother in the bank insisted that her children be near her. In the slave environment, it was inherently unsafe for a black child to stray, wander, or question white people. Such behavior could result in severe punishment or even death. Thus, black slaves were hyper-vigilant about the whereabouts of their children, for such hyper– vigilance meant survival. This is just one possible example of an adaptive behavior that could have been passed down through genera– tions. There are hundreds, perhaps thousands more. Two of the great strengths that African Americans possess are our resilience and our ability to adapt. These have allowed us to survive and thrive in the presence of seemingly insurmountable obstacles with courage and faith. These adaptive behaviors were invaluable throughout the dura– tion of slavery, and the need for these behaviors continued after emancipa– tion. Thousands of lynchings, beatings, threats to life and property, the rise of the Klan and Jim Crow segregation all obviated the continued need for adap– tive survival behaviors. And reminders still exist: the 1989 beating death of Mulugeta Seraw by skinheads in Port– land; the 1992 police beating of Rod– ney King in Los Angeles; the 1997 burning and beheading of Garnett P Johnson in Virginia; the 1998 dragging death of James Byrd in Jasper, Texas; and the 1999 killing of Amadou Diallo by New York police officers, to name but a few. Adaptations from slavery have generated behaviors that have led to assumptions about who and what we are as a people, and additionally, what we can become and achieve. While what we have learned from generations past is a significant part of our story, it is not our whole story, and many new chapters need to be written that bring to light the destructive nature of some of our survivor behaviors. I am not alone in recognizing the need for greater understanding and research with regard to historical, multigenerational trauma. Scholars like Alvin F Poussaint, James P Comer, Yael Danieli, Maria Yellow Horse Brave Hean, and Mikihachiro Tatara, LO name a few, continue LO explore the consequences of extreme suffering on generations of diverse people. There is still much work to be done in assessing our needs as African Americans and understanding the impact of the traumas and injuries sustained during and after slavery. 0 FALL 2004 PSU MAGAZINE 11