CLINTON ST. QUARTERLY and independent thinking in there.” Twice the political ‘‘establishment, ” as Wally calls them, has put together money and effort in attempts to defeat the middle-aged Priestley. In 1970, Dr. Howard Cherry, a long time Democratic flack, successfully defeated him for Priestley’s old seat in St. Johns. However, after reapportionment during the 1970 legislature, Priestley successfully ran in the newly created 16th district (highly Democratic, working and middle class) and has held on to it ever since. In 1976 they ran Bill Wyatt, son of former Oregon congressman Wendall Wyatt. Wyatt had tremendous resources and money at his disposal. A private pollster. Paid door-to-door canvassers. Three direct mailings to everyone in the district. And the media. But again, Wally’s loyal voters stayed with him. Without fail, the Oregonian and Journal endorse his opponents, and blast Priestly for “ not being effective,” “ not serving the interests of his district,” and basically not going along. “ People of much lesser competence than myself are extolled as paragons of achievement, and success, and ability.” His Republican opponent in 1980, Brent Hamilton, was endorsed by the Oregonian as follows. “ He has the ability to relate National and International problems such as inflation and the nation’s dependence on OPEC oil, to potential state and local impacts and solutions. . . ” As Priestley says, “ Well . . . we don’t really deal with many international problems in the legislature.” “ M ost c a n d id a te s buy an election,” says Priestley. “ 1 have to figure out ways of winning without buying it. I try to figure out why people vote the way they do .” For instance, during the recent election Priestly conducted his own poll (he does the design, mailing, and analysis himself, rather than hire a professional pollster) and discovered that he was behind. “ However, I also discovered that most people were going to vote for Measure 7 (banning more nuclear plants until a safe storage site can be located), and against Measure 4 (increasing gasoline taxes), so I tried to identify with those issues.” “And every year I give a speech and say, ‘yes, we are against illegal contributions, ’ but let’s not kid ourselves; it’s the legal con tr ibu tion s th a t corrupt the place.” Unknown to nfost voters, Measure 4 was actually on the ballot because of Priestley. “ I hate to boast,” he said, “ but measure 4 was on the ballot because in 1975, I initiated a referendum to let people vote on gasoline taxes, and they voted it down then, just like they did in 1980. The legislature had been heavily lobbied to pass a gasoline tax, but they were afraid to do it because they knew I would refer it again. So this year I tried to coat-tail the gas tax defeat, and nuclear power, and I came out on top again.” Priestley pays for his independent thinking. Despite the fact that he has been elected to serve in every legislative session, save one, since 1962, it was just this past election that he was appointed to a committee chairmanship (the House Committee on Aging and Minority Affairs). These political rewards determine what legislation will be introduced and are usually given out to members in their second term. However, Wally sees this as a mere token. “ This isn’t a very important committee in their eyes,” he says, “ and Ways and Means will stop anything we do, but we’ll see what we can get going.” Priestley is labeled an “ odd ball,” an “ anarchist,” a “ problem,” a “ socialist,” and just “weird.” It is said that legislation with his support is marked dead before it ever comes alive. He is no longer lobbied. As he strolls the House corridors in his workboots and Mao jacket, most other lawmakers avoid him like the plague. The Triple Crown However, if Priestley’s elections, petition drives and occasional habit of answering his phone in Salem with, “Working for the revolution . . . Wally speaking,” are a thorn in the side of “ the establishment,” his 1976 election damn near drove them up a wall. He not only won re-’ election to his House seat over Wyatt, but was also elected to the Portland School Board and the Multnomah County School Board. One election, three seats. Out of the pan and into, the fire. In 1976-77 the Portland School Board, along with the Portland School System, was in the process of going down the tubes. Money was short, the schools were in a state of intellectual decline, and charges of racism about the District’s busing program were being voiced. Today the situation has cooled off somewhat because of the actions of the Black United Front, the election of new members to the school Board, and the firing of the School Superintendent, the late Dr. Robert Blanchard. However, Priestley doesn’t see much real change in the schools and doesn’t have much hope that there will be any. “ People have a democratic view of the world that just doesn’t exist” he ■says. “ They feel that their kids can be educated and be a success. It was never true. It isn’t true today. There is little or no upward social mobility through education. We deal with this myth of the public schools. That the people who are in charge, are the public, when the reality is that these multi-national corporations decide what is public policy. They decide what money gets spent on. And they are, quite frankly, not supporting our schools. They do not support it and say ‘look, we need money for the Portland Public Schools, and we are going to get the Oregonian, and the media behind this, we are going to have a businessmens’ club to help raise money, we are going to meet, and gather, and drum up public support to pass this tax measure,’ but they don’t do it.” “ The public asks, ‘Who’s to blame?’ The media says ‘The citizens.’ Hell no! Never was. If Equitable Savings and Loan, and the U.S. National, and all of these people were behind it, we would have support for our schools.” Ultimately, Priestley is a proponent o f the th e o ry t h a t “ the establishment,” or “ ruling class,” are a rather homogeneous lot, with different styles and approaches perhaps, but with interlocking interests and concerns. ‘‘It’s a conscious decision how people are excited about Iran, or our power in the world, and what the position of the United States is this month,” says Priestley. “ This is a very macho thing, and it just doesn’t happen. Like with football and this circus of athletics. The notion of being number one. These people chanting WE’RE NUMBER ONE! WE’RE NUMBER ONE! This is a new thing, about ten years ago or so. And this focuses in on the national..macho. It’s going to be absolutely catastrophic if our country has to be number one. But there isn’t any of the media that talks about our getting along with PORTLAND CENTER FOR THE VISUAL ARTS PRESENTS DENNIS OPPENHEIM THROUGH JANUARY 4, 1981 Oppenheim Installation Under Construction Photo: Maryanne Caruthers-Akin EXHIBITION SCHEDULE MICHAEL GRAVES, Architectural drawings and models, December 11-January 9 AGNES MARTIN, Paintings, January 10-February 15 HAROLD JACOBS, Recent Collages and Sculpture, January 12February 15 PERFORMANCE SCHEDULE (Call PCVA for Ticket Information) ALVIN LUCIER, New Music, Friday, January 9, 8 p.m. DEXTER GORDON, Jazz, Monday, January 19, 9 & 11 p.m. DAVID BEHRMAN, Electronic Music, Wednesday, January 21, 8 p.m. Support Contemporary Art in Portland Join PCVA Active Membership $15.00; Supporting Membership $26.00 (through September 1981) Clip th is ad and receive a free poster w ith your membership Portland Center for the Visual Arts 117 NW Fifth Avenue 97209 (503) 222-7107 Gallery Hours: Tuesday-Sunday, 12 p.m.-5 p.m. Closed Christmas and New Year’s Day other people, and helping other people, and sharing our wealth. No, this is a planned thing. The multinational corporations, and politicians, and media, are all in this together.” And Wally Priestley is in there with them. Fighting. Speaking out. Petitioning. Marching. Getting in the way. Reminding “ them” not to be so greedy. Running his shoe-string campaigns. And always being political. Because, as he says, “ it’s all politics . . . isn’t it?” 31
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