CLINTON ST. QUARTERLY since January. CSQ: Who is the Junta? Vela: The real power is held by two men, Colonel Gutierrez and Defense Minister Garcia. They were both part of the Military Youth Movement that staged the coup in October of last year, but it was the U.S. State Dept, which insisted that they be included in the government. Both were past presidents of ANTEL, the government’s communication system, which is also a subsidiary of ITT. The presidents have always been military men. The original Military Youth Movement attracted some independent, professional people. The popular organizations posed five specific demands to them. (1) Freedom of organization . . . (2) A minimum wage of $7.50 per day, not the present $3 a day . . . (3) Freedom for all political prisoners. . . (4) Disbandment of ORDEN (a rightwing paramilitary group), the National Guard and all repressive forces .. . (5) Tribunal for all military officers who'd participated in massacre or torture . . . Their response was massacre. They couldn’t release the political prisoners, because the prisoners could finger all the guilty in the Junta. There are mass graves that could be uncovered. CSQ: So how would you characterize the struggle at this time? DISSENT IN EL SALVADOR MEANS LITERALLY WRITING OUT ONE S DEATH CERTIFICATE. THIS STUDENT LEADER WAS ARRESTED BY STATE FORCES AND TURNED UP DEAD ONTHE STREET. THE TAG READS "BECAUSE HE WAS A COMMUNIST AND A TRAITOR TO HIS COUNTRY.” VIGILANTES WERE BLAMED FOR THE MURDER. Vela: There is at present an economic/ structural crisis in El Salvador. There was a 5.8% growth rate in 1977, 0% in 1979 and -18% so far this year. The oligarchy in power has depleted all its raison d'etre. It has outlived history. Our sources in the National Bank estimate that they took out over $1.5 billion out of the country in 1978 and ’79 . . . mostly to the United States. There is presently 40% unemployment and 86% underemployment. There are 3.1 doctors per 10,000 people compared to 1 soldier per 25 inhabitants. They’ve had us under a state of siege since March, but it has caused the popular organizations to grow. Now marriages are performed by popular committees, roads are maintained . . . the government serves only for repression. All sectors of the society, including the church, middle and small businesses have rallied together to fight the oligarchy. They’ve joined the popular forces in a strategic alliance. CSQ: How does the church fit into all of this? Vela: The majority of the church which works directly with the popular sectors has taken up the banner of liberation. In fact, many priests have joined the popular organizations. On the other hand, among the reactionaries, there is a priest who is also Colonel Alvarez. But for the most part, they’ve joined us in the struggle. CSQ: One thing that scares me is the possibility of Reagan using El Salvador as a close at hand, “ easy vistory” to prove that his interventionist theories are correct. Vela: It’s not up to Reagan or Carter, it’s up to the American people. The majority of U.S. people don’t want to be involved in a Vietnam type war. We are confident, we have a great faith that the people of the United States will choose peace over conflict with a friendly nation. Strategically, democratic regimes are more beneficial to the U.S. than cruel dictatorships. A government that commits genocide against a people in the name of the U.S. is no friend of the U.S. In essence, it’s your own worst enemy. CSQ: But what if Reagan goes ahead and does it anyway? Vela: Well, the three (military) offensives the government has staged have met with total failure. U.S. intervention could only prolong the process. It would solidify the peoples of Latin America. We have no reservations at calling for Latin American solidarity. We’re preparing for a big Vietnam in Central America if the U.S. intervenes. And the internal consequences in this country would be substantial. There are 30 million Latinos in the U .S ., Mexican- Americans and Puerto Ricans, who have indicated a readiness to stop U.S. intervention and mobilize themselves. CSQ: Tell me what you see in the future. When you attain victory, what kind of government do you see developing? Vela: The popular committees will be strengthened so that they become the real forces. It will be power from the base up. CSQ: But what will happen in the cities? Vela: The popular committees in the cities are more advanced. The neighborhood organizations would move to power. CSQ: What about the economy? Vela: The fundamental industries will be nationalized, along with the property of the 14 families. CSQ: Would you continue to be an export economy? Vela: We will not try to exist in isolation, but rather strive for optimization. We’ll produce locally what can be produced efficiently. We’re willing to deal with all countries of the world willing to respect our independence, and willing to deal with us in a manner that will benefit our society. We want relationships that will benefit, not exploit the people of El Salvador, all within a context of strict non-alliance. Right now, the Mexican government is our number one ally. Most of the European countries, including Germany, support the Revolutionary Democratic Front in opposing the Junta. Venezuela and Costa Rica saw the Social Democrats lose power in THERE IS ONE SOLDIER FOR EVERY 25 INHABITANTS IN EL SALVADOR. THE GOVERNMENT’S MAIN ROLE IS HOLDING THE POPULACE CAPTIVE. their national elections, so they are now on the side of the right in this struggle. (note: The consistent support of the Costa Rican, Venezuelan, and Mexican governments aided the Sandinistas tremendously in their successful struggle against the Somoza dynasty.) The country is now at war. Presently there are full scale battles on four fronts, up to 10,000 soldiers opposing one another. It’s comparable in intensity to what is happening between Iraq and Iran. CSQ: How do the popular forces get their arms? Vela: There are massive deflections to our side. And we’ve captured a lot of vehicles and armaments. In Tecoluca we captured an entire army garrison. We are winning the military struggle, and come what may, we will win. We reserve the right to call upon American Internationalists, just as the Spanish did in their civil war. That would be a real way to see El Salvador. As Sr. Vela has indicated, events in El Salvador, and the Central American region are moving along rapidly. In Guatemala, there are well substantiated accounts of an attack force being prepared for El Salvador which includes the remnants of Somozas forces, Hondurans, Guatemalans and American “ soldiers of fortune.” Those same forces could as easily be unleashed on the four guerilla groups currently fighting within Guatemala. Time is also running out for the right-wing military group in power in Guatemala. For years, violence has been such a daily reality of Guatemalan life that you’d expect people to grow numb. People do, but they also harbor memories, and dreams of quieter, better days. In 1970, the Guatemalan people elected (from a slate of military men), the vicious General Arana, who had made a name for himself by systematically eliminating the rebel insurgency in the country’s eastern section. It was your classic law’n’order vote. He ruled with an iron fist, violence did diminish some, but it continued to grow from the right, and not without his encouragement. The greed of some landholders and military men for the largely undeveloped lands of the northern tier led to resistance from the poor Indians and mestizos who had begun farming the land. In 1969, 102 peasant men and women were machine-gunned to death in Panzos for defending their lands. The regime consolidated its hold by killing campesinos, labor chiefs, university leaders, and even priests. To top it off they publicly assassinated the two most visible left-moderate “ hopes” for a democratic solution, Carlos Fuentes Mohr and Manuel Colom Argueta. The same people who looked to Arana for a “ peaceful” solution in 1970 are unsure where to place their bets now. In a nation where even the owner of a piece of an acre considers himself a landholder, efforts to topple the established order have met with resistance and fear. But each time the military unleashes further barbarism, each time they murder non-violent citizens who have simply offended the rich, the choice becomes more palatable to the majority who are still afraid of change. What the U.S. has tried to do in El Salvador and Guatemala is not all reprehensible. However the work to develop village leadership and encourage cooperatives is now being undone by the right wing forces we armed and trained to eliminate the guerilla “ threat.” The window dressing is now seen as so dangerous that the entire store is being razed. Not too long ago, I visited the 28 Photos courtesy of H)K
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