Clinton St. Quarterly, Vol. 2 No. 3 | Fall 1980 (Portland) /// Issue 7 of 41 /// Master# 7 of 73

QUNTQN $T- QUARTERLY ftXlthough Wall Street leaders conducted covert relations with A n the revolutionary government in Moscow, many o f them publicly denounced communism. “ antfcorporate” is to explore their curious differences toward interna- tioral communism. During World Wir Two liberal internationalists in the Roosevelt administration allied the United States with the Soviet Union in a crusade to preserve Europe and East Asia from German and Japanese imperialism. Up to 1941, however, midwestern industrialists, anti-New Deal conservatives, and various nationalists attempted to divorce this nation from conflict in Europe, seeing only a repeat of World War One’s attempt to make western Europe safe fcr the Wall Street banking community. When World War Two ended, and Europe once again seemed th’eatened by a new adversary, the Iberal Truman administration turner bitterly anti- Soviet and declared ideological war on international conmunism. Many nationalists and coiservatives who had opposed involv:ment in the war now complained aiout extravagant foreign aid progrims designed to prop up the ecoiomy of western Europe. Some ©ntinued to see assistance to Eurcpe as an effort by Wall Street to potect its trade and banking allies in Jritain. It was only wh<n China “ fell” to a communist revoution in 1949 that the nationalist conservatives called for renewed American militance — in Asia, not Eurcpe. Truman’s stalemated war in Kirea, fought under the guise of a Unit’d Nations “ police action,” did no' satisfy the conservatives, and theyrallied around General Douglas MacArthur’s call for military penetration into communist China. Meanwhile, the frustration of the Cold War enabled these politicians to attack war-time cooperation with the Soviet Union and to accuse the Truman administration of permitting internal subversion in government. Senator Joe McCarthy’s attacks on the “ dilettante” diplomats of the State Department were the legacy of a longstanding resentment toward the eastern establishment. McCarthy’s enemies included the professiona l intelligentsia who staffed the New Deal bureaucracy and liberal internationalists in both political parties and the corporate world. Bankers and Bolsheviks Anticorporate conservatism has a distinctly populist aura. Anticommunist at heart, it also lashes out at Wall Street financiers, privileged bureaucrats, intellectual elitists, and the urbane institutions of the eastern upper class. In fact, one of the most persistent notions of right-wing populism maintains that communists and monopolist bankers work with each other for shared control of the world. The John Birch Society’s tirades against the Rockefellers and the Trilateral Commission are examples of such thinking. Populist folklore held for many years that a conspiracy of Jewish bankers and bolsheviks was striving to take over the planet. This myth was particularly ludicrous in the United States where all but a few investment bankers traditionally have been Anglo-Americans of Protestant persuasion. But although most liberal academics wince at the suggestion, there is evidence to support the view that bankers and bolsheviks have not always been implacable foes. Several years ago Antony C. Sutton suggested in Wall Street and the Bolshevik Revolution (Arlington House, 1974), that World War One created the opportunity for “ a partnership between international monopoly capital and international revolutionary socialism for their mutual benefit.” Hoping to keep the newly created Soviet Union in the war against Germany and eager to control postwar Russian markets and resources, leading Wall Street bankers strove to win influence in the new regime and to gain diplomatic recognition for the communist nation. The American International Corporation, a powerful consortium dominated by bankers affiliated with the Morgan and Rockefeller interests, urged the U.S. State Department to recognize the Soviets within weeks of the 1917 communist revolution. Meanwhile, both the chairman of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York and a prominent Morgan partner traveled to London to personally convince the British War Cabinet that the bolshevik regime in Russia was permanent and that Lenin and Trotsky should be supported. Wall Street endorsement of Soviet communism first occured through the activities of the American Red Cross Mission to Russia. The mission was created in 1917 with a $200,000 grant from International Harvester and operating expenses personally paid by William Boyce Thompson, chairman of the New York Federal Reserve Bank. Its stated task was to provide medical and humanitarian aid to war- torn Russia. Instead, the lawyers and financiers who comprised a majority of the mission’s staff negotiated private loans with the Russians and conducted propaganda campaigns to keep that nation in the war. The covert campaign, a precursor of CIA operations in later years, was capped with a $1 million gift to the Soviet communists in November 1917. Thompson’s million dollars was designed to spread bolshevik propaganda into enemy Germany and Austria. Who’s Right? Hoping to gain trade relations and diplomatic recognition for the new regime, the Russians established a Soviet Bureau in New York during 1919. Among the bureau’s members was Julius Hammer of Occidental Petroleum. When a technical expert in the Soviet Bureau desperately needed funds, a wall Street attorney used State Department channels to transfer the money from the chief Soviet agent in Scandanavia. Intelligence reports contended that the bureau was receiving financial backing from Guaranty Trust, a leading Morgan bank. 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